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1、翻译二级笔译实务模拟58Section English-Chinese TranslationTranslate the following two passages into Chinese.1.（江南博哥） In 2009, Time magazine hailed School of One, an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the years 50 best innovations. Each day, School of One software gener
2、ated individualized math play lists for students who then chose the modality in which they wished to learn software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers specialties and schedules to match a students needs. It generates the lessons, the tests and it grade
3、s the tests, one veteran instructor marveled. It saved salaries, too, thereby teacher proofing(as policy wonks say) education in a few clicks. Although School of One made only modest improvements in students math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it w
4、as slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Ga bor, who holds the Bloom berg chair of business journalism at Baruch College/CUNY, charts in After the Education Wars. For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrep
5、reneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, A Nation at Risk, issued by President Ronal
6、d Reagans National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagans disdain for public education (and teachers unions), A Nation at Risk blamed Americas ineffectual schools for a rising tide of mediocrity that was dimi
7、nishing Americas global role in a new high-tech world. Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine w
8、hat children need was a thread running through the bipartisan 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, the Obama administrations Race to the Top and state-initiated Common Core standards, and the current charter-driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. Accountability became synonymous with standar
9、dized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson. The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, bu
10、t what are the options when students future educational choices, teachers salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous if sometimes too laborious detail, Gabor documents reforms institutional failings. She describes the sorry turns
11、 in New York Citys testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigans once fine public schools (spurred in part by constant pressure from the DeVos family) and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina. The largely white city establishment bypassed t
12、he majority-black community, inviting philanthropists and the federal government to rebuild its public schools as the nations first citywide, all-charter system. A dozen years later, more than a third of the citys charter schools have failed. 正确答案：2009年，时代周刊称赞一个叫“一校通”(School of One)的在线数学课项目为年度最佳五十项创
13、新之一，该项目首先在纽约市三所公立学校试点运行。每天，该课程软件会生成个性化的数学课“播放列表”，学生可根据自己喜好，选择学习的“模式”在软件上学习、跟着虚拟的或真人老师上课均可。还有另外一个算法，可根据老师的专长和课表进行分类，从而与学生的需求进行匹配。一位资深指导员感叹道：“它可以生成课程、测试，并给出测试的分数。”这个软件也节省了工资支出，有了它，教师们只要点一点就能进行“教育校对”(说法源于教育政策策士)。 尽管“一校通”并未大幅度提高学生的数学成绩，也仅在纽约一小部分学校使用(并非预期进驻的五十所学校)，但它却是纽约市立大学巴鲁克学院彭博商业新闻学主席安德烈埃加博尔(Andrea G
14、abor)在教育战之后(After the Education Wars)一书中提出的教育模式的一个典范。30多年来，企业慈善家、教育技术企业家和公共教育官员这几个看似不太可能达成统一战线的群体，共同带头掀起一股学校改革风潮，其特点是过度强调技术和标准化测试，而贬低教师和社会在教育中的作用。 该改革风潮的兴起可追溯到1983年罗纳德里根政府时期的“国家教育卓越委员会”(National Commission on Excellence in Education)发表的一篇夸大其词的报道“处于危机中的国家”。当时正值日本经济发展，而里根总统又一向轻视公共教育和教师群体，“处于危机中的国家”将美国
15、学校的低效怪罪于“正在蔓延的平庸潮”，称其拉低了美国在新型高科技世界中的全球地位。 政策制定者将公共教育上升到国家安全的层面，称其太过重要(当然也可能是利润太高)以至于不能委托给教育者。有种看法认为，决定儿童需求的应是政客们自上而下的决策而不是教师群体。从2001年关国两党支持通过的“有教无类”法案(No Child Left Behind Act)，到奥巴马政府提倡的“力争上游”计划(Race to the Top)，再到州政府提出的“共同核心课程”标准(Common Core standards)和现任教育部部长贝琪德沃斯(Betsy DeVoS)倡导的“特许学校”章程，这一观点始终贯穿其
16、中，“责任制”已变成标准化测试的同义词，促使一些大规模、高收益的教育机构转型成为商业出版巨头皮尔森教育(Pearson)就是一个典型例子。 “教育战”削弱了教师队伍的士气，超过17%的老师在他们从业5年内辞职转行。没人赞同应试教育是一种好的教学方法，但是当学生的升学选择权、教师的工资和职位的保留，甚至是在一些州，整个学校的命运都依赖于学生的分数时，教育者也别无他法。 加博尔在她的书中不厌其烦地阐述了教育改革的体制缺陷，她记载了纽约市实行“考试至上”政策后带来的消极转变、密歇根市几所优秀公立学校的没落(部分是迫于德沃斯家族的压力)，以及新奥尔良市在“卡特里娜”飓风之后重建学校失败的令人心碎的困境。在白人居多的城市，学校建设优于黑人占主体的社区，这使得慈善家和联邦政府决定重建公立学校，首次建成覆盖全市的特许学校体系。十几年后，超过三分之一的
