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1、Chapter 10 Trade Policy in Developing CountriesPrepared by Iordanis PetsasTo Accompany International Economics: Theory and PolicyInternational Economics: Theory and Policy, Sixth Editionby Paul R. Krugman and Maurice Obstfeld化妆品 http:/Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.1Chapter OrganizationIntrod
2、uctionImport-Substituting IndustrializationProblems of the Dual EconomyExport-Oriented Industrialization: The East Asian MiracleSummaryCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.2There is a great diversity among the developing countries in terms of their income per capita.Why are some countries so much p
3、oorer than others?For about 30 years after World War II trade policies in many developing countries were strongly influenced by the belief that the key to economic development was creation of a strong manufacturing sector.The best way to create a strong manufacturing sector was by protecting domesti
4、c manufacturers from international competition.IntroductionCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.3IntroductionTable 10-1: Gross Domestic Product Per Capita, 1999 (dollars)Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.4From World War II until the 1970s many developing countries attempted to accelerate their
5、development by limiting imports of manufactured goods to foster a manufacturing sector serving the domestic market.The most important economic argument for protecting manufacturing industries is the infant industry argument.Import-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.5
6、Import-Substituting IndustrializationThe Infant Industry ArgumentIt states that developing countries have a potential comparative advantage in manufacturing and they can realize that potential through an initial period of protection.It implies that it is a good idea to use tariffs or import quotas a
7、s temporary measures to get industrialization started.Example: The U.S. and Germany had high tariff rates on manufacturing in the 19th century, while Japan had extensive import controls until the 1970s.Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.6Import-Substituting IndustrializationProblems with the Infa
8、nt Industry ArgumentIt is not always good to try to move today into the industries that will have a comparative advantage in the future.Example: In the 1980s South Korea became an exporter of automobiles, whereas in the 1960s its capital and skilled labor were still very scarce.Protecting manufactur
9、ing does no good unless the protection itself helps make industry competitive.Example: Pakistan and India have protected their heavy manufacturing sectors for decades and have recently begun to develop significant exports of light manufactures like textiles.Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.7Mar
10、ket Failure Justifications for Infant Industry ProtectionTwo market failures are identified as reasons why infant industry protection may be a good idea:Imperfect capital markets justificationIf a developing country does not have a set of financial institutions that would allow savings from traditio
11、nal sectors (such as agriculture) to be used to finance investment in new sectors (such as manufacturing), then growth of new industries will be restricted.Appropriability argumentFirms in a new industry generate social benefits for which they are not compensated (e.g. start-up costs of adapting tec
12、hnology).Import-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.8Promoting Manufacturing Through ProtectionImport-substituting industrializationThe strategy of encouraging domestic industry by limiting imports of manufactured goodsMany less-developed countries have pursued this s
13、trategy.Has import-substituting industrialization promoted economic development?Many economists are now harshly critical of the results of import substitution, arguing that it has fostered high-cost, inefficient production.Import-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.9W
14、hy not encourage both import substitution and exports?A tariff that reduces imports also necessarily reduces exports.Until the 1970s many developing countries were skeptical about the possibility of exporting manufactured goods.In many cases, import-substituting industrialization policies dovetailed
15、 naturally with existing political biases.Import-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.10Table 10-2: Exports as a Percentage of National Income, 1999Import-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.11Results of Favoring Manufacturing: Problems
16、of Import-Substituting IndustrializationMany countries that have pursued import substitution have not shown any signs of catching up with the advanced countries.Example: In India, after 20 years of economic plans between the early 1950s and the early 1970s, its per capita income was only a few perce
17、nt higher than before.Import-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.12Why didnt import-substituting industrialization work the way it was supposed to?The infant industry argument was not as universally valid as many people assumed.Import-substituting industrialization ge
18、nerated:High rates of effective protectionInefficient scale of productionHigher income inequality and unemploymentImport-Substituting IndustrializationCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.13Import-Substituting IndustrializationTable 10-3: Effective Protection of Manufacturing in Some Developing Cou
19、ntries (percent)Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.14Problems of the Dual EconomyMost developing countries are characterized by economic dualism.A high-wage, capital-intensive industrial sector coexists with a low-wage traditional sector.Dualism is associated with trade policy for two reasons:Dua
20、lism is probably a sign of markets working poorly (market failure case for deviating from free trade).The creation of the dual economy (an economy that is characterized by economic dualism) has been helped by import-substitution policies.Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.15The Symptoms of Dualis
21、mDevelopment often proceeds unevenly and results in a dual economy consisting of a modern sector and a traditional sector. The modern sector typically differs from the traditional sector in that it has:Higher value of output per workerHigher wagesLower returns to capitalHigher capital intensityPersi
22、stent unemployment (especially in urban areas)Problems of the Dual EconomyCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.16Dual Labor Markets and Trade PolicyThe symptoms of dualism are clear signs of an economy that is not working well, especially in its labor markets.Wage differentials argumentThe wage dif
23、ferences between manufacturing and agriculture is a justification for encouraging manufacturing at agricultures expense.When there is a wage differential, the manufactures wage (WM) must be higher than the food wage (WF).Problems of the Dual EconomyCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.17Problems of
24、 the Dual EconomyFigure 10-1: The Effect of a Wage DifferentialL1PF x MPLFPM x MPLMOMOFValue of marginalproducts, wagesWMBL2AWFCLabor employedin manufacturesLabor employedin foodTotal labor supplyCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.18The Harris-Todaro modelIt links rural-urban migration and unempl
25、oyment that undermines the case for favoring manufacturing employment, even though manufacturing does offer higher wages.Countries with highly dualistic economies also seem to have a great deal of urban unemployment.An increase in the number of manufacturing jobs will lead to a rural-urban migration
26、 so large that urban unemployment actually rises.It helps the wage differentials argument to be in disfavor with economists.Problems of the Dual EconomyCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.19Trade Policy as a Cause of Economic DualismTrade policy has been accused both of: Widening the wage differen
27、tial between manufacturing and agricultureFostering excessive capital intensityWage differentials are viewed as:A natural market responseThe monopoly power of unions whose industries are sheltered by import quotas from foreign competitionProblems of the Dual EconomyCopyright 2003 Pearson Education,
28、Inc.20Export-Oriented Industrialization: the East Asian MiracleFrom the mid-1960s onward, exports of manufactured goods, primarily to advanced nations, was another possible path to industrialization for the developing countries.High performance Asian economies (HPAEs)A group of countries that achiev
29、ed spectacular economic growth.In some cases, they achieved economic growth of more than 10% per year.Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.21The Facts of Asian GrowthThe World Banks definition of HPAEs contains three groups of countries, whose “miracle” began at different times :Japan (after World
30、War II)The four “tigers”: Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore (in the 1960s)Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and China (in the late 1970s and the 1980s)The HPAEs are very open to international tradeExample: In 1999, exports as a share of gross domestic product in the case of both Hong Kong a
31、nd Singapore exceeded 100% of GDP (132 and 202 respectively).Export-Oriented Industrialization: the East Asian MiracleCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.22Trade Policy in the HPAEsSome economists argue that the “East Asian miracle” is the payoff to the relatively open trade regime.The data in Tab
32、le 10-4 suggests that the HPAEs have been less protectionist than other, less developing countries, but they have by no means followed a policy of complete free trade.Low rates of protection in the HPAEs helped them to grow, but they are only a partial explanation of the “miracle.”Export-Oriented In
33、dustrialization: the East Asian MiracleCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.23Table 10-4: Average Rates of Protection, 1985 (percent)Export-Oriented Industrialization: the East Asian MiracleCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.24Industrial Policy in the HPAEsSeveral of the highly successful econom
34、ies have pursued industrial policies (from tariffs to government support for research and development) that favor particular industries over others.Most economists have been skeptical about the importance of such policies because:HPAEs have followed a wide variety of policies, but achieved similarly
35、 high growth rates.The actual impact on industrial structure may not have been large.There have been some notable failures of industrial policy.Export-Oriented Industrialization: the East Asian MiracleCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.25Other Factors in GrowthTwo factors can explain the rapid gr
36、owth in East Asia:High saving ratesRapid improvement in public educationThe East Asian experience refutes that:Industrialization and development must be based on an inward-looking strategy of import substitution.The world market is rigged against new entrants, preventing poor countries from becoming
37、 rich.Export-Oriented Industrialization: the East Asian MiracleCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.26SummaryTrade policy in less-developed countries is concerned with two objectives: promoting industrialization and coping with the uneven development of the domestic economy.Government policy to pro
38、mote industrialization has often been justified by the infant industry argument.Many less-developed countries have pursued policies of import-substituting industrialization.These policies have fostered high-cost, inefficient production.Copyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.27Most developing countrie
39、s are characterized by economic dualism. Dual economies have a serious problem of urban unemployment.The difference in wages between the modern and traditional sectors have sometimes been used as a case for tariff protection of the industrial sector.The HPAEs have industrialized not via import substitution but via exports of manufactured goods.SummaryCopyright 2003 Pearson Education, Inc.28
