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1、2022年考博英语-华中科技大学考前拔高综合测试题（含答案带详解）1. 翻译题1. Nagging concerns about the global economic downturn and rising unemployment are forcing many young Britons to think twice about tying the knot this year, a think-tank said on Saturday.Almost 80 percent of young British couples living together want to get mar
2、ried, the think tank Civitas said, but would reconsider their wedding plans due to increasing job losses as companies cut costs and lay off workers.2. “As the recession bites its going to be harder for partners to make that commitment without financial stability and jobs they wont have the confidenc
3、e to say I do,” the director of family and education at Civitas, said.The study, which surveyed 1,560 adults aged between 20 to 35, also found that for 50 percent of the people making a commitment was the most The study, which surveyed 1,560 adults aged between 20 to 35, also found that for 50 perce
4、nt of the people making a commitment was the most important reason to get married, and only two percent considered marriage for tax advantages.“If my boyfriend asked me now, then I would still say yes, but I wouldnt waste my money for a high-profile wedding,” Jenny Brown, an employee works in London
5、s central financial district.But De Waal said the recession would have a serious impact on planning a life together.“This is not about being able to afford a fancy wedding dress for 10,000 pounds or not.”3. A British Social Attitudes survey in January found that young people showed a less traditiona
6、l attitude towards marriage and would put their careers first.About 40 percent of people aged between 18 to 34 said marriage was still the “best kind of relationship,” compared with 84 percent of people aged 65 and over, it said.【答案】1. 英国一家智库机构上周六称，对全球经济衰退的担忧和不断上升的失业率让英国很多年轻人不得不重新考虑结婚计划。2. Civitas家庭
7、和教育事务主管阿纳斯塔西娅德瓦尔说：“受经济衰退的影响，下决心结婚也将变得更加困难，没有稳定的收入和工作，人们没有信心说我愿意”。3. 今年1月开展的一项“英国社会态度”调查发现，年轻人对婚姻的态度已经不那么传统了，他们倾向于将职业发展放在首位。2. 单选题For years scholars have contrasted slavery in the United States and in Brazil, stimulated by the fact that racial patterns assumed such different aspects in the two countr
8、ies after emancipation. Brazil never developed a system of rigid segregation of the sort that replaced slavery in the United States, and its racial system was fluid (a situation that is fluid is likely to change) because its definition of race was based as much on characteristics such as economic st
9、atus as on skin color. Until recently, the most persuasive explanation for these differences was that Portuguese institutions especially the Roman Catholic church and Roman civil law, promoted recognition of the slaves humanity. The English colonists, on the other hand, constructed their system of s
10、lavery out of whole cloth (whole cloth: pure fabrication usually used in the phrase out of whole cloth). There were simply no precedents in English common law, and separation of church and state barred Protestant clergy from the role that priests assumed in Brazil.But the assumption that institution
11、s alone could so powerfully affect the history of two raw and malleable frontier (a new field for exploitative or developmental activity) countries seems, on reexamination, untenable. Recent studies focus instead on a particular set of contrasting economic circumstances and demographic profiles at s
12、ignificant periods in the histories of the two countries. Persons of mixed race quickly appeared in both countries. In the United States they were considered to be Black, a social definition that was feasible because they were in the minority. In Brazil, it was not feasible. Though intermarriage was
13、 illegal in both countries, the laws were unenforceable in Brazil since Whites formed a small minority in an overwhelmingly Black population. Manumission for persons of mixed race was also easier in Brazil, particularly in the nineteenth century when in the United States it was hedged about with dif
14、ficulties. Furthermore, a shortage of skilled workers in Brazil provided persons of mixed race with the opportunity to learn crafts and trades, even before general emancipation, whereas in the United States entry into these occupations was blocked by Whites sufficiently numerous to fill the posts. T
15、he consequence was the development in Brazil of a large class of persons of mixed race, proficient in skilled trades and crafts, who stood waiting as a community for freed slaves to join.There should be no illusion that Brazilian society after emancipation was color-blind. Rather, the large populati
16、on of persons of mixed race produced a racial system that included a third status, a bridge between the Black caste and the White, which could be traversed by means of economic or intellectual achievement, marriage, or racial heritage. The strict and sharp line between the races so characteristic of the United States in the years immediately after emancipation was simply absent. With the possible exception of New Orleans,
