英语短文翻译80篇

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1、01 The Language of MusicA painter hangs his or her finished picture on a wall, and everyone can see it. Acomposer writes a work, but no one can hear it until it is performed. Professionalsingers and players have great responsibilities, for the composer is utterly dependent onthem. A student of music

2、 needs as long and as arduous a training to become aperformer as a medical student needs to become a doctor. Most training is concernedwith technique, for musicians have to have the muscular proficiency of an athlete or aballet dancer. Singers practice breathing every day, as their vocal chords woul

3、d beinadequate without controlled muscular support. String players practice moving thefingers of the left hand up and down, while drawing the bow to and fro with the rightarm two entirely different movements.Singers and instrumentalists have to be able to get every note perfectly in tune. Pianistsar

4、e spared this particular anxiety, for the notes are already there, waiting for them, andit is the piano tuners responsibility to tune the instrument for them. But they have theirown difficulties: the hammers that hit the strings have to be coaxed not to sound likepercussion, and each overlapping ton

5、e has to sound clear.This problem of getting clear texture is one that confronts student conductors: theyhave to learn to know every note of the music and how it should sound, and they haveto aim at controlling these sounds with fanatical but selfless authority.Technique is of no use unless it is co

6、mbined with musical knowledge andunderstanding. Great artists are those who are so thoroughly at home in the language ofmusic that they can enjoy performing works written in any century.0 1音乐的语言画彖将已完成的作品挂在墙上,每个人都可以观赏到。 作曲彖写完了一部作品,得由 演奏者将其演奏出来,其他人才能得以欣赏。因为作曲彖是如此完全地依赖于 取 业 歌 手 和 丽 业 演 奏 者 , 所以职业歌手和取业演

7、奏者堵上的担子可谓不轻。一名 学 音 乐 的 学 生 要 想 成 为 一 名 演 奏 者 ,需要经受长期的、严格的训练,就象一名医科的学生要成为一名医生一样。 绝 大多数的训练是技巧性的。 音乐彖们控制肌肉的熟练程度,必须达到与运动员或巴蕾养演 员相当的水平。 歌手们每天都练习吊嗓子,因为如果不能有效地控制肌肉的话, 他们的声 带将不能满足演唱的要求。 弦乐器的演奏者练习的则是在左手的手指上下滑动的同时,用 右 手 前 后拉动琴弓一两个截然不同的动作。歌手和乐器演奏者必须使所有的音符完全相同协 调 。钢琴家们则不用操这份心,因为每个音符都已在那里等待着他们了。 给钢 琴 调 音 是 调 音 师

8、 的 职 责 。 但调音师们也有他们的难处: 他们必须利心地调理敲击琴弦的音锤,不能让 音锤发出的声音象是打击乐器,而且每个交叠的音都必须要清晰。如何得到乐章请晰的纹理 是学生指挥们所面临的难题: 他们必须学会了解音乐中的每一个音及其发音之道。 他们还 必须致力于以热眈而又爱观的权或去控制这些音符。除非是和音乐方面的知识和悟性结合起 来,单纯的技巧没有任何用处。 艺术彖之所以伟大在于他们对音乐语言名较就熟,以致于 可以满怀喜悦地演出写于任何时代的作品。02 Schooling and EducationIt is commonly believed in the United States t

9、hat school is where people go to get aneducation. Nevertheless, it has been said that today children interrupt their education togo to school. The distinction between schooling and education implied by this remarkis important. Education is much more open-ended and all-inclusive than schooling.Educat

10、ion knows no bounds. It can take place anywhere, whether in the shower or inthe job, whether in a kitchen or on a tractor. It includes both the formal learning thattakes place in schools and the whole universe of informal learning. The agents ofeducation can range from a revered grandparent to thepe

11、ople debating politics on theradio, from a child to a distinguished scientist.Whereas schooling has a certain predictability, education quite often produces surprises.A chance conversation with a stranger may lead a person to discover how little isknown of other religions. People are engaged in educ

12、ation from infancy on. Education,then, is a very broad, inclusive term. It is a lifelong process, a process that starts longbefore the start of school, and one that should be an integral part of ones entire life.Schooling, on the other hand, is a specific, formalized process, whose general patternva

13、ries little from one setting to the next. Throughout a country, children arrive atschool at approximately the same time, take assigned seats, are taught by an adult, usesimilar textbooks, do homework, take exams, and so on. The slices of reality that are tobe learned, whether they are the alphabet o

14、r an understanding of the workings ofgovernment, have usually been limited by the boundaries of the subject being taught.For example, high school students know that they are not likely to find out in theirclasses the truth about political problems in their communities or what the newestfilmmakers ar

15、e experimenting with. There are definite conditions surrounding theformalized process of schooling.上学与受教育在 美 国 , 人们通常认为上学是为了受教育。 而现在却有人认为孩子们上学打断了他 们 受 教 育 的 过 程 。 这种观念中的上学与受教育之间的区别非常重要。 与上学相 比 ,教 育 更 具 开 放 性 , 内 叁 更 广 泛 。 教 育 不 受 任 何F艮制。它 可 以 在 任 何 场 合下 进 行 ,在 淋 浴 时 ,在 工 作 时 ,在 厨 房 里 或 拖 拉 机 上 。它 既

16、包 括 在 学 校 所 受 的正 规 教 育 , 也 包 括 一 切 非 正 规 教 育 。 传 授 知 识 的 人 可 以 是 德 高 望 重 的 老 者 , 可以 是 收 音 机 里 进 行 政 治 辩 论 的 人 们 ,可 以 是 小 孩 子 , 也 可 以 是 知 名 的 科 学 彖 。 上学 揍 书 多 少 有 点 可 预 见 性 , 而 教 育 往 往 能 带 来 意 外 的 发 现 。与 陌 生 人 的 一 次 随意 夜 话 可 能 会 使 人 认 识 到 自 己 对 其 它 宗 教 其 实 所 知 甚 少 。人 们 从 幼 时 起 就 开 始受 教 育 。因 此 ,教 育 是

17、一 个 内 潘 很 丰 富 的 词 ,它 自 始 至 终 伴 随 人 的 一 生 ,早 在 人们上 学之前就开始了。 教 育 应 成 为 人 生 命 中 不 可 缺 少 的 一 部 分 。 然 而 , 上学却是 一 个 特 定 的 形 式 化 了 的 过 程 。 在 不 同 场 合 下 ,它 的 基 本 形 式 大 同 小 异 。 在 全国 各 地 ,孩 子 们 几 乎 在 同 一 时 刻 到 达 学 校 ,生 在 指 定 的 座 位 上 ,由 一 住 成 年 人 传授 知 识 , 使 用 大 致 相 同 的 教 材 ,做 作 业 ,考 试 等 等 。他 们 所 学 的 现 实 生 活 中 的

18、一 些 片 新 ,如 字 母 表 或 政 府 的 运 作 ,往 往 受 到 科 目 范 围 的 限 制 。例 如 , 高中生们 知 道 ,在 课 堂 上 他 们 没 决 弄 清 楚 他 们 社 区 里 政 治 问 题 的 真 情 , 也 不 会 了 解 到 最新 潮 的 电 影 制 片 人 在 做 哪 些 去 试 。 学 校 教 育 这 一 形 式 化 的 过 程 是 有 特 定 的 限制的 。03 The Definition of PricePrices determine how resources are to be used. They are also the means by w

19、hichproducts and services that are in limited supply are rationed among buyers. The pricesystem of the United States is a complex network composed of the prices of all theproducts bought and sold in the economy as well as those of a myriad of services,including labor, professional, transportation, a

20、nd public-utility services. Theinterrelationships of all these prices make up thesystem of prices. The price of anyparticular product or service is linked to a broad, complicated system of prices inwhich everything seems to depend more or less upon everything else. If one were toask a group of rando

21、mly selected individuals to define price, many would reply thatprice is an amount of money paid by the buyer to the seller of a product or service or,in other words, that price is the money value of a product or service as agreed upon in amarket transaction. This definition is, of course, valid as f

22、ar as it goes. For a completeunderstanding of a price in any particular transaction, much more than the amount ofmoney involved must be known. Both the buyer and the seller should be familiar withnot only the money amount, but with the amount and quality of the product or serviceto be exchanged, the

23、 time and place at which the exchange will take place and paymentwill be made, the form of money to be used, the credit terms and discounts that applyto the transaction, guarantees on the product or service, delivery terms, returnprivileges, and other factors. In other words, both buyer and seller s

24、hould be fullyaware of all the factors that comprise the total package being exchanged for theasked-for amount of money in order that they may evaluate a given price. 价格 的定义 价格决定资源的使用方式。 价格也是有F艮的产品与服务在买方中的配给 手段。 美国的价格余统是复杂的网状条统,包括经济生活中一切产品买卖的价格,也包括 名目繁多的各种服务,诸如劳动力、专明人员、交通运输、公共事业等服务的价格。 所 有 这 些 价 格的内

25、在联系构成了价格系统。 任何一种个别产品或服务的价格都与这个庞大彷复杂的余统密切相关, 而且或多或少地受到余统中其它成份的制约。如果随机挑选一群人,问 问他们如何定义 价格 ,许多人会回答价格就是根据卖方提供的产品或服务,买方向其付出 的钱数。 换句话说 ,价格就是市场交易中大彖认同的产品或服务的货币量。 该定义就其本 身来说自有其道理。 但要获得对价格在任何一桩交易中的完整认识,就必须考虑到大量 非 货 币 因 素 的 影 响 。 买卖双方不但要清楚交易中的钱数,而且要非常熟悉交 易 物 的 质 量 和 数 量 ,交易的时间、地点,采用哪种形式付款,有怎样的缓付和优 惠 ,对交易物的质量保证

26、、交货条款、退赔权利等等。 也就是说,为了能估算素价,买卖双方必须通晓构成交易物价格的通盘细节。04 ElectricityThe modern age is an age of electricity. People are so used to electric lights, radio,televisions, and telephones that it is hard to imagine what life would be like withoutthem. When there is a power failure, people grope about in flicker

27、ing candlelight, carshesitate in the streets because there are no traffic lights to guide them, and food spoilsin silent refrigerators.Yet, people began to understand how electricity works only alittle more than two centuries ago. Nature has apparently been experimenting in thisfield for millions of

28、 years. Scientists are discovering more and more that the livingworld may hold many interesting secrets of electricity that could benefit humanity.All living cells send out tiny pulses of electricity. As the heart beats, it sends out pulsesof record; they form an electrocardiogram, which a doctor ca

29、n study to determine howwell the heart is working. The brain, too, sends out brain waves of electricity, whichcan be recorded in an electroencephalogram. The electric currents generated by mostliving cells are extremely small often so small that sensitive instruments are neededto record them. But in

30、 some animals, certain muscle cells have become so specializedas electrical generators that they do not work as muscle cells at all. When largenumbers of these cells are linked together, the effects can be astonishing.The electric eel is an amazing storage battery. It can send a jolt of as much as e

31、ighthundred volts of electricity through the water in which it lives. (An electric housecurrent is only one hundred twenty volts.) As many as four-fifths of all the cells in theelectric eels body are specialized for generating electricity, and the strength of theshock it can deliver corresponds roug

32、hly to the length of its body.电 当 今 时 代 是 电 气 时 代 。 人 们 对 电 灯 、 收 音 机 、 电 视 和 电 话 早 已 司 , 史 见 惯 以 致很 难 想 象 没 有 它 们 生 活 会 变 成 什 么 样 。当 停 电 时 ,人 们 在 捶 曳 不 定 的 烛 光 下 暗中 摸 索 ;因没有红 绿 灯 的 指 示 , 汽 车 在 道 路 上 迟 疑 不 南 ;冰 笳 也 停 止 工 作 , 导致 食 物 变 质 。人 们 只 是 在 两 个 世 纪 前 一 点 才 开 始 了 解 电 的 使 用 原 理 ,自然界却显然 在 这 方 面 经

33、 历 过 了 数 百 万 年 。科 学 彖 不 断 发 现 许 多 生 物 世 界 里 可 能 有 益 于 人类 的 关 于 电 的 有 趣 秘 密 。所 有 生 物 细 胞 都 会 发 出 微 , 卜的 电 脉 冲 。 当 心 脏 跳 动 时 ,把 它 发 出 的 脉 冲 记 录 下 来 就 成 了 心 电 图 ,这 可 让 医 生 了 斛 心 脏 的 工 作 状 况 。大脑也 发 出 脑 电 波 , 这 可 在 脑 电 图 上 记 录 下 来 。许 多 生 物 细 胞 发 出 的 电 流 都 是 极 微小 的 ,小 到 要 用 灵 敏 仪 器 才 能 记 录 和 测 量 。 但 一 些 动

34、 物 的 某 些 肌 肉 细 胞 能 转 化 成一 个 个 发 电 机 , 以 致 完 全 失 去 肌 肉 细 胞 的 功 能 。这 种 细 胞 大 量 地 连 接 在 一 起 时产 生 的 效 果 将 是 非 常 令 人 吃 惊 的 。 电 鳗 就 是 一 种 令 人 惊 异 的 蓄 电 池 。它可以在水 中 发 出 相 当 于800伏 特 电 压 电 流 ( 彖 庭 用 户 的 电 压 只 有120伏 特 ) 。 在 包 鳗的 身 体 里 ,多 至 五 分 之 四 的 细 胞 都 专 门 用 来 发 电 ,而 只 发 出 的 电 流 的 强 度 大 约 和它 身 体 的 长 度 成 正 比

35、 。05 The Beginning of DramaThere are many theories about the beginning of drama in ancient Greece. The one mostwidely accepted today is based on the assumption that drama evolved from ritual. Theargument for this view goes as follows. In the beginning, human beings viewed thenatural forces of the wo

36、rld - even the seasonal changes - as unpredictable, and theysought through various means to control these unknown and feared powers. Thosemeasures which appeared to bring the desired results were then retained and repeateduntil they hardened into fixed rituals. Eventually stories arose which explain

37、ed orveiled the mysteries of the rites. As time passed some rituals were abandoned, but thestories, later called myths, persisted and provided material for art and drama.Those who believe that drama evolved out of ritual also argue that those rites containedthe seed of theater because music, dance,

38、masks, and costumes were almost alwaysused. Furthermore, a suitable site had to be provided for performances and when theentire communitydid not participate, a clear division was usually made between the acting area and theauditorium. In addition, there were performers, and, since considerable impor

39、tancewas attached to avoiding mistakes in the enactment of rites, religious leaders usuallyassumed that task. Wearing masks and costumes, they often impersonated other people,animals, or supernatural beings, and mimed the desired effect success in hunt orbattle, the coming rain, the revival of the S

40、un as an actor might. Eventually suchdramatic representations were separated from religious activities.Another theory traces the theaters origin from the human interest in storytelling.According to this view tales (about the hunt, war, or other feats) are graduallyelaborated, at first through the us

41、e of impersonation, action, and dialogue by a narratorand then through the assumption of each of the roles by a different person. A closelyrelated theory traces theater to those dances that are primarily rhythmical andgymnastic or that are imitations of animal movements and sounds.戏剧的起源 关于古希腊戏剧的起源存在

42、着多种理论, 其中一个最普遍为人接受的理论 假设认为戏剧从仪式演化而来。 这个观点是这样进行於证的:一开始,人类 他 世 界 上 的 自 然 力 量 ,甚至季节的变化都看成是不可预料的。 他们试图通过各种方式去控制这些未知的、 令人恐惧的力量。 邺些仞手带来了满意结果的手段就校保留下来并只重复直到这些手段固化为不变的仪式, 最后产生了能够解释或者掩盖这些仪式神秘性的故事。 随着时间的推移, 一些仪式破废弃了,但这些后来校称作神话的故事流传下来并且为艺术和戏剧提供了素材。认为戏剧从仪式演化而来的人们还认为那些仪式包含了戏剧的基本因素,因为音乐、舞蹈、 面具和服装几孑经常极使用,而且,必须为演出提

43、供一个合适的地点;如果不是整个社区共 同参加演出,经帚在 演出区 和 观次席 之间划分出明显的分界。 另外,仪式中还有演员, 而且宗教领袖通常承担演出任务,因为在仪式的执行中避免错误的发生破认为有相当大的重 要 性 ; 他们经常带着面具,穿着服装象演员那样扮演其它人、动物或超自然的生灵,用动作 来表演以达到所需要的效果,比如打猎的成功或战斗的胜利、将至的雨、太阳的复活。 最 后 这 些 戏 剧 性 的 表 演 队余教话动中分离了出来。 另一个追溯戏剧起源的理论认为它来自人 们对叙述故事的兴拉。 根据这个观点,故事( 关于狩猾、战争或者其它伟绩) 是逐渐丰富起 来的。 首先通过一个讲解人来运用模

44、仿、表演和对话,然后再由不同的人扮演各自的角色; 另一个与之紧密相关的理论将戏剧的起源追溯至舞蹈,这些养蹈大体上是 有 节 奏 感 的 和 体 操 式 的 那 一 类 , 或 者 是 对 动 物 动 作 和 声 音 的 模 仿 。 06TelevisionTelevision the most pervasive and persuasive of modern technologies, marked byrapid change and growth is moving into a new era, an era of extraordinarysophistication and ve

45、rsatility, which promises to reshape our lives and our world. It isan electronic revolution of sorts, made possible by the marriage of television andcomputer technologies.The word television, derived from its Greek (tele: distant) and Latin (visio: sight)roots, can literally be interpreted as sight

46、from a distance. Very simply put, it works inthis way: through a sophisticated system of electronics, television provides thecapability of converting an image(focused on a special photoconductive plate within a camera) into electronic impulses,which can be sent through a wire or cable. These impulse

47、s, when fed into a receiver(television set), can then be electronically reconstituted into that same image.Television is more than just an electronic system, however. It is a means of expression,as well as a vehicle for communication, and as such becomes a powerful tool forreaching other human being

48、s.The field of television can be divided into two categories determined by its means oftransmission. First, there is broadcast television, which reaches the masses throughbroad-based airwave transmission of television signals. Second, there is nonbroadcasttelevision, which provides for the needs of

49、individuals or specific interest groupsthrough controlled transmission techniques.Traditionally, television has been a medium of the masses. We are most familiar withbroadcast television because it has been with us for about thirty-seven years in a formsimilar to what exists today. During those year

50、s, it has been controlled, for the mostpart, by the broadcast networks, ABC, NBC, and CBS, who have been the majorpurveyors of news, information, and entertainment. These giants of broadcasting haveactually shaped not only television but our perception of it as well. We have come tolook upon the pic

51、ture tube as a source of entertainment, placing our role in thisdynamic medium as the passive viewer.电视电视一以快速变化与发展为标志的最普遍、最具有影响力的一项现代技术,正 在 步 一 个 极 端 复 杂 化 与 多 样 化 的 新 时 代 。 这个时代承诺重新塑造我们的生活和我们的世界。 这可以称得上是又一次电子革命,其关键在于电视技术与计算机技术的结合。 电视” 这 个 词 来 源 于 希 腊 语 词 根( tele:运) 和拉丁语词根( vision:景象) ,可以从字面上理解为来自远处

52、的 景象。 简单说来,电视是以这种方式工作的,通过一个复杂的电子条统, 电 视 能 够 将 一 幅 图 像 ( 这幅图像谀聚焦在一部摄像机内的一块特殊的光导底片上) 转换成能经过导线或电缆 发送出去的电子脉冲信号。当这些电子脉冲信号谀输 一部接收机( 电视机) 时 ,就 可 以 用 电 子 学的方馁把脉冲信号重新恢复成同一幅图像。但 是 ,电视不仇仅是一个电子系统,它还是一种表达工具和传播集道。因此, 电视成了 一个对其他人发生影响的强大工具。 电视这个领域可以根据其发射方式分为两类。 第一类为广播电视,通过电视信号的宽带无线电波发射展现在大次面南;第二类为非广播电视,使用受控的发射技术来满足

53、个人以及某些特殊 利益群体的需要。 电视早已成为大欢媒介 。 我们熟悉广播电视, 因为广播电视已经以类似 日前的方式存在了大约37年。 在那些年头中, 电 视 绝 大 部 分 一 直 由ABC、NBC、C B S这 些 广 播 电 视 公司控制着,这些广播电视公司一直是新闻、信息和娱乐的主要提供者。 这 些 广播业的巨头实际上不仅塑造了电视,而 . 也塑造, 了我们对电视的理解。 我们渐渐把 显 像 管 看 作 是 娱 乐 的 来 源 ,让自己成为这个生动的媒介的次动观众。07 Andrew CarnegieAndrew Carnegie, known as the King of Steel

54、, built the steel industry in the UnitedStates, and, in the process, became one of the wealthiest men in America. His successresulted in part from his ability to sell the product and in part from his policy ofexpanding during periods of economic decline, when most of his competitors werereducing the

55、ir investments.Carnegie believed that individuals should progress through hard work, but he also feltstrongly that the wealthy should use their fortunes for the benefit of society. Heopposed charity, preferring instead to provide educational opportunities that wouldallow others to help themselves. H

56、e who dies rich, dies disgraced, he oftensaid.Among his more noteworthy contributions to society are those that bear his name,includingthe Carnegie Institute of Pittsburgh, which has a library, a museum of fine arts, and amuseum of national history. He also founded a school of technology that is now

57、 part ofCarnegie-Mellon University. Other philanthropic gifts are the Carnegie Endowment forInternational Peace to promote understanding between nations, the Carnegie Instituteof Washington to fund scientific research, and Carnegie Hall to provide a center for thearts.Few Americans have been left un

58、touched by Andrew Carnegies generosity. Hiscontributions of more than five million dollars established 2,500 libraries in smallcommunities throughout the country and formed the nucleus of the public librarysystem that we all enjoy today.安德鲁 卡内基 次称作钢铁大王的安德鲁卡内基在美国建立了钢铁工业。在这个过 程 中 ,他变成了美国最富有的人之一。 他的成功,

59、部分来自于他销售产品的能力,部分来 自于经济箫条时期的犷元策略。 在萧条时期,他的多数对手都在缩减投资。卡内基认为个 人应该通过努力工作来获得进展,但他也强烈地感到有钱人应该运用他们的财富来为社会谋 取福利。 他反对施舍救济,更愿意提供教育机会,使别人自立。 卡内基经常说:” 富 有 着 死 去 的 人 死 得 可 耻 。 他对社会的较重要的贡献都以他的名字命名。 这 些 贡 故 包 括 匹 兹 堡 卡 内 基 学 校 。 这个学校有一个图书稔, 一个美术稔和一个国彖历史博物稔; 他 还 创 立 了 一 所 技 术 学 校 ,这所学校现在是卡内基 梅隆大学的一部分;其他的慈善捐赠有为促进国彖问

60、了解的” 卡内基国际和平基金” ,为科学研究提供经费的华盛顿卡内基学院以及给各种艺术活动 提供活劫中心的卡内基音乐厅。安德鲁卡内基的慷慨大度几乎影响到每个美国人的生活。由于他超过五百万美元的捐款,2500个图书稔得以建立起 来 ,遍布在美国各地的小村镇, 形成了我们今天还在享用的公共图书稔宗统的核心。08 American RevolutionThe American Revolution was not a revolution in the sense of a radical or total change.It was not a sudden and violent overturn

61、ing of the political and social framework, suchas later occurred in France and Russia, when both were already independent nations.Significant changes were ushered in, but they were not breathtaking. What happenedwas accelerated evolution rather than outright revolution. During the conflict itselfpeo

62、ple went on working and praying, marrying and playing. Most of them were notseriously disturbed by the actual fighting, and many of the more isolated communitiesscarcely knew that a war was on. Americas War of Independence heralded the birth ofthree modern nations. One was Canada, which received its

63、 first large influx ofEnglish-speaking population from the thousands of loyalists who fled there from theUnited States. Another was Australia, which became a penal colony now that Americawas no longer available for prisoners and debtors. The third newcomer the UnitedStates - based itself squarely on

64、 republican principles.Yet even the political overturn was not so revolutionary as one might suppose. In somestates, notably Connecticut and Rhode Island, the war largely ratified a colonialself-rule already existing. British officials, everywhere ousted, were replaced by ahome-grown governing class

65、, which promptly sought a local substitute for king andParliament.美国革命 美国革命其实并不算是一场革命, 因为它并未导致完全的和彻底的变化。 这 次革命并不是对政治和社会柩架的一次突然和猛烈的颠覆,象后来在已经 是独立国彖的法国和俄国所爆发的革命那样。 革命带来了重大的变化,但并非翻天覆地,所发生的只是进化 的加速. ,而不是一场彻底的革命;在冲突期间,人们仍然上班、做礼拜、结婚、玩耍。多数人并没有受到实际战斗的严重影响。许多较闭塞的社区对这场战争几乎一无所知 。 美 国 独立战争宣布了三个现代国彖的诞生,其中一个是加拿大。

66、加拿大的第一大枇讲美语的流入人口来自于成千上万英王的效忠者, 这些人从美国逃到了加拿大。另 一 个 国 家 是 澳 大 利 亚 , 因为美国不再是参纳罪犯和欠债者的国度了,澳大利亚就变成了一个惩治罪犯的琏先地( 注 :独立战争南,英国政府将罪犯流放到美国) 。 第三个国家就是美国,它完全建立在共 和原则基础上。 即使政治上的颠覆也不如人们可能想象的那样具有革命性 。 在一些州,特 别是康涅狄格和罗德岛,战争基本上只是承认了已经存在的琏民地的自治。 四处破驱逐的 美国官员都破本土的统治阶级所称代,这个统治阶级远速地以地方权力机关来林代国王和议 会。09 SuburbanizationIf by

67、suburb is meant an urban margin that grows more rapidly than its alreadydeveloped interior, the process of suburbanization began during the emergence of theindustrial city in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. Before that period thecity was a small highly compact cluster in which people m

68、oved about on foot andgoods were conveyed by horse and cart. But the early factories built in the 1830s and1840s were located along waterways and near railheads at the edges of cities, andhousing was needed for the thousands of people drawn by the prospect of employment.In time, the factories were s

69、urrounded by proliferating mill towns of apartments androw houses that abutted the older, main cities. As a defense against this encroachmentand to enlarge their tax bases, the cities appropriated their industrial neighbors. In1854, for example, the city of Philadelphia annexed most of Philadelphia

70、County.Similar municipal maneuvers took place in Chicago and in New York. Indeed, mostgreat cities of the United States achieved such status only by incorporating thecommunities along their borders.With the acceleration of industrial growth came acute urban crowding andaccompanying social stress con

71、ditions that began to approach disastrous proportionswhen, in 1888, the first commercially successful electric traction line was developed.Within a few years the horse-drawn trolleys were retired and electric streetcar networkscrisscrossed and connected every major urban area, fostering a wave ofsub

72、urbanization that transformed the compact industrial city into a dispersedmetropolis.This first phase of mass-scale suburbanization was reinforced by thesimultaneous emergence of the urban Middle Class, whose desires for homeownershipin neighborhoods far from the aging inner city were satisfied by t

73、he developers ofsingle-family housing tracts.郊区的发展 如果 郊区 指的是比已建好的城市内部发展更为更. 速的城市边缘地带,那 么 郊 区 化 可 以 说 始 于1825年 至1850年工业化城市出现期间。 在这之南 ,城市只是嵩度密 集的小聚居群。 在 其 中 ,人们步行走动,商品靠马车来运送。但 是 建 于1 8世纪三四十年 代的早期工厂住于城边的航道和铁路附近,破工作机会吸引到这里的成千上万的人们需要住 房 。 渐渐地,在与旧有的主要城区相砒邻的地方,不断涌现出由排序和公寓楼组成的工人聚居区,包围了工厂。作为对这种侵蚀的自卫,也为了犷大它们收

74、税的地域范围,城市春并了工业化的临近地带,比 如1854年费城的城区就兼并了希县的绝大部分地区。 相似的城市化也发生在芝加哥和纽约。今天很多美国的大城市其实就是靠春并它们附近的边缘地区而 变成大都会的。随着工业化的加速发展,城市里出现了严重拥排和相伴而来的社会压力。当1888年第一条商业上成功的电气化铁轨被制造出来时,压力开始接近危机的程度。几年之内,马车就谀废弃了, 电车网相互交织连接着各个重要的城区,从而形成了一种郊区化的潮 流,即密集的工业城市转变成了分散的都市。 此时城市中产阶级的出 现 进 一 步加强了第一波大规模郊区化。 这些中产阶级希望在远离老旧城市的地区拥有住宅,单一彖庭住宅地

75、区的开发者满足了他们的愿望。10 Types of SpeechStandard usage includes those words and expressions understood, used, and acceptedby a majority of the speakers of a language in any situation regardless of the level offormality. As such, these words and expressions are well defined and listed in standarddictionaries

76、. Colloquialisms, on the other hand, are familiar words and idioms that areunderstood by almost all speakers of a language and used in informal speech or writing,but not considered appropriate for more formal situations. Almost all idiomaticexpressions are colloquial language. Slang, however, refers

77、 to words and expressionsunderstood by a large number of speakers but not accepted as good, formal usage bythe majority. Colloquial expressions and even slang may be found in standarddictionaries but will be so identified. Both colloquial usage and slang are morecommon in speech than in writing.Coll

78、oquial speech often passes into standard speech. Some slang also passes intostandard speech, but other slang expressions enjoy momentary popularity followed byobscurity. In some cases, the majority never accepts certain slang phrases butnevertheless retains them in their collective memories. Every g

79、eneration seems torequire its own set of words to describe familiar objects and events.It has been pointed out by a number of linguists that three cultural conditions arenecessary for the creation of a large body of slang expressions. First, the introductionand acceptance of new objects and situatio

80、ns in the society; second, a diversepopulation with a large number of subgroups; third, association among the subgroupsand the majority population.Finally, it is worth noting that the terms standard colloquial and slang exist onlyas abstract labels for scholars who study language. Only a tiny number

81、 of the speakersof any language will be aware that they are using colloquial or slang expressions. Mostspeakers of English will, during appropriate situations, select and use all three types ofexpressions.语言的类型标准用在包括那些为使用这种语言的大多数人在任何场合下理斛、 使用 和 接 受 的 词 和 短 语 ,而不论该场合是否正式。 这些词和短语的意义已很确定并 破 列 入 了 标 准 词

82、 典 中 。 相反,俗语是指那些几乎所有讲这种语言的人都理解并在非正式的口头或书面中 使 用 , 却不适用于更正规的一些场合的词和短语。 几孑所有的习惯用语都属于俗语, 而俚语指的是为很多讲这种语言的人理斛但大多数人不把它们列入好的、正式用法之内的词和短 语 ; 俗语甚至俚语都可能在标准字典中查到,但是字典中会标明它们的性质。 俗语和俚语词汇的应用都是口头较 多 、邕头较少。俗语用法经常地谀接受为标准用头。 一些俚语也变 成了标准用法,但另外一些俚语只经历了短暂的流行,而后就被弃之不用了。 有时候,多数人从来不接受某些俚语, 但是他们把这些便语保存到集中记忆中。 每一代人仞手都需要 独有的一套

83、词汇来描述熟知的物体和事件。 很多语言学家指出,大量俚语的形成需要三个 文化条件:第一,对社会中新事物的引入和接受;第二,一个由大量子群构成的多样化人口; 第三,各子群与多数人口之间的寐条。最后需要提到的是, 标准语 、 俗语 和 俚语 这些 术语只是对研究语言的专家才有用的抽象标签。 不论何种语言, 只会有很小一部分使用者能够意识到他们是在使用俗语或佳语。讲美语的多数人能够在适当的场合中选择使 用 所 有 这 三 种 语 言 类 型 。 11 ArchaeologyArchaeology is a source of history, not just a humble auxiliary

84、discipline.Archaeological data are historical documents in their own right, not mere illustrationsto written texts. Just as much as any other historian, an archaeologist studies and triesto reconstitute the process that has created the human world in which we live and usourselves in so far as we are

85、 each creatures of our age and social environment.Archaeological data are all changes in the material world resulting from human actionor, more succinctly, the fossilized results of human behavior. The sum total of theseconstitutes what may be called the archaeological record. This record exhibits c

86、ertainpeculiarities and deficiencies the consequences of which produce a rather superficialcontrast between archaeological history and the more familiar kind based upon writtenrecords.Not all human behavior fossilizes. The words I utter and you hear as vibrations in theair are certainly human change

87、s in the material world and may be of great historicalsignificance. Yet they leave no sort of trace in the archaeological records unless theyare captured by a dictaphone or written down by a clerk. The movement of troops onthe battlefield may change the course of history, but this is equally ephemer

88、al fromthe archaeologists standpoint. What is perhaps worse, most organic materials areperishable. Everything made of wood, hide, wool, linen, grass, hair, and similarmaterials will decay and vanish in dust in a few years or centuries, save under veryexceptional conditions. In a relatively brief per

89、iod the archaeological record is reducedto mere scraps of stone, bone, glass, metal, and earthenware. Still modern archaeology,by applying appropriate techniques and comparative methods, aided by a few luckyfinds from peat-bogs, deserts, and frozen soils, is able to fill up a good deal of the gap.考古

90、学考古学是历史学的一个来源,而不是地位卑微的辅助学科。 考古学资料本身也是一种 历 史 文 故 ,而不伍仅是文字资科的例证。 正象任何一位历史学家那样,考古学彖研究调查 并尽力去重构一个过程。 这个过程创造了我们生活的人类世界,也创造了我们自身, 因为 我们都是我们所处的时代和社会环境的产物。 考古学的资料就是人类行为所造成的物质变 化。 更简洁地说, 是石化了的人类行为。这些变化的总和构成了我们所说的考古学记录。 这些记录自有其独特和不足之处,因而导致人们对考古巧吏和更熟悉的文字记载历史进行相当肤浅的对比。 并不是所有的人类行为都留下化石。 我说的话,你通过史先振动听见,这 当 然 是 人

91、类造成的物质变化,也可能有重大的为史意义,但这些话在考古学中未曾下丝亳痕迹,除非有人用录音机录下来或文书把这些话写了下来。 战场上军队的行动可能” 改变历史 的进程 ,但从考古学的观点来看,这同样是难以捕我的;可能更糟的是, 多数有机物质会 腐烂。 任何由木头、 生皮、缄线、亚麻、草、毛发以及相仞物质做成的东西除非在一些非 帚特殊的条件下,几年或几个世纪以后,会在尘土中腐烂并消失。 在短时期内,能留下考 古记录的东西也都会退化为石头、骨头 、玻 璃 、金属和陶器的碎片。 然而,现代考古学通 过运用适当的技术和比较的 方 法 ,在从泥炭、沙漠和冻土中所获得的一些幸运发现的辅肋下, 能够埴充这个空

92、缺的很大部分。12 MuseumsFrom Boston to Los Angeles, from New York City to Chicago to Dallas, museums areeither planning, building, or wrapping up wholesale expansion programs. Theseprograms already have radically altered facades and floor plans or are expected to doso in the not-too-distant future.In New Y

93、ork City alone, six major institutions have spread up and out into the air spaceand neighborhoods around them or are preparing to do so.The reasons for this confluence of activity are complex, but one factor is aconsideration everywhere space. With collections expanding, with the needs andfunctions

94、of museums changing, empty space has become a very precious commodity.Probably nowhere in the country is this more true than at the Philadelphia Museum ofArt, which has needed additional space for decades and which received its lastsignificant facelift ten years ago. Because of the space crunch, the

95、 Art Museum hasbecome increasingly cautious in considering acquisitions and donations of art, in somecases passing up opportunities to strengthen its collections.Deaccessing or selling off works of art has taken on new importance because ofthe museums space problems. And increasingly, curators have

96、been forced to jugglegallery space, rotating one masterpiece into public view while another is sent tostorage.Despite the clear need for additional gallery and storage space, however, the museumhas no plan, no plan to break out of its envelope in the next fifteen years, according toPhiladelphia Muse

97、um of Arts president.将物傀 从波士顿到洛杉机,从纽约到爱加哥、到达拉斯,所有的博物稔或者正在筹划、建堂或者正在完成大规模的步建计划。这些计划或者已经根本性地改变了博物稔门面与展 厅 的 设 计 , 或者预期在不久的将来会这样做。 单单在纽约市,六个主要机构或者已经向会中和周 围步展,或者正准备这样做。大彖一致行动的原因是复杂多样的,但其中的一个因素是普遍 考虑的, 史间问题。 随着收藏品的增多,也随着博物稔的需要和功能的变化,, 空间已经变成了一项非常珍贵的商品。在 我 国 ,也许没有任何其他地方比希城艺术博物稔更符合这个事实。这个博物健几十年来一直需要额外的空间,十年前

98、进行了最后一次重大的翻新。由 于 空 间 紧 缺 ,该艺术博物馆在考虑购买与受赠艺术品已越来越谨慎,有时甚至放弃增强艺术收藏的机会。由于博物馆的无间问题,将艺术品脱手或者说卖掉已经有了新的重要意义。博物健 稔长们被过巧妙轮换利用陈列馆 的无间, 轮流着, 巴一些艺术杰作向公众展出, 而 把 另 一 些 送 入 存 储 室 中 。 虽然对额外的陈列室和存储室空间需要很明显,但据希城艺术博物稔经理讲: 陋物健还没有在未来十五年打破这个束缚的计划。13 Skyscrapers and EnvironmentIn the late 1960s, many people in North America

99、 turned their attention toenvironmental problems, and new steel-and-glass skyscrapers were widely criticized.Ecologists pointed out that a cluster of tall buildings in a city often overburdens publictransportation and parking lot capacities.Skyscrapers are also lavish consumers, and wasters, of elec

100、tric power. In one recentyear, the addition of 17 million square feet of skyscraper office space in New York Cityraised the peak daily demand for electricity by 120, 000 kilowatts enough to supplythe entire city of Albany, New York, for a day.Glass-walled skyscrapers can be especially wasteful. The

101、heat loss (or gain) through awall of half-inch plate glass is more than ten times that through a typical masonry wallfilled with insulation board. To lessen the strain on heating and air-conditioningequipment, builders of skyscrapers have begun to use double-glazed panels of glass,and reflective gla

102、sses coated with silver or gold mirror films that reduce glare as wellas heat gain. However, mirror-walled skyscrapers raise the temperature of thesurrounding air and affect neighboring buildings.Skyscrapers put a severe strain on a citys sanitation facilities, too. If fully occupied,the two World T

103、rade Center towers in New York City would alone generate 2.25million gallons of raw sewage each year as much as a city the size of Stanford,Connecticut, which has a population of more than 109, 000.屋天大楼与环境6 0年代后期,许多北美人把注意力转向了环境问题,那些崭新的玻璃钢屋天大楼受 到 了 广 泛 的 批 评 。生态学彖指出,城市中密集的嵩层建筑经常给公共交通与停车场的承载能 力造成过重的负担

104、。摩天大楼还是电能的过度消去者与浪去者。最 近 的 第 一 年 ,纽 约 市 摩 天 写 字 楼1, 70 0万 英 尺 办 公 面 积 的 增 加 使 电 能 的 最 嵩日需求量提高了 120, 000千 瓦 。 这 些 电 能 足 以 供 纽 约 的 整 个 奥 余 巴 尼 市 使 用一 无 。玻 璃 表 面 的 摩 天 大 楼 特 别 地 浪 费 。 通过半 英 寸 的 平 板 玻 璃 墙 壁 损 失 ( 或增加 ) 的 热 量 是 典 型 的 加 入 绝 缘 板 的 石 墙 所 允 许 的 热 量 须 失 ( 或 增 加 ) 的 十 僖 以 上 。为 了 减 轻 取 籁 设 备 或 ,

105、空 调 设 备 的 压 力 , 摩 天 大 楼 的 建 造 者 们 已 经 开 始 使 用双面上釉 的 玻 璃 镶 板 和 涂 上 了 金 色 或 银 色 反 光 薄 膜 的 反 光 玻 璃 , 来 减 少 强 光 照 射 和 热 量的 增 加 ;但 是 ,镜 面 的 摩 天 大 楼 会 提 嵩 周 围 , 空 先 的 温 度 并 会 对 附 近 的 建 筑 物 产 生影 响 。 摩 天 大 楼 也 对 城 市 的 卫 生 设 施 造 成 了 沉 重 的 压 力 。单 单 纽 约 市 的 二 个 世界 贸 易 中 心 大 楼 如 果 完 全 被 占 满 的 话 ,每 年 就 会 产 生2, 2

106、50, 000加 仑 的 污 水 。这 相 当 于 康 涅 狄 格 州 的 斯 坦 福 市 这 样 大 的 城 市 一 年 所 产 生 的 污 水 量 , 而 康 州 的 斯坦 福 市 拥 有109, 000人 口 。14 A Rare Fossil RecordThe preservation of embryos and juveniles is a rate occurrence in the fossil record. Thetiny, delicate skeletons are usually scattered by scavengers or destroyed by wea

107、theringbefore they can be fossilized. Ichthyosaurs had a higher chance of being preserved thandid terrestrial creatures because, as marine animals, they tended to live in environmentsless subject to erosion. Still, their fossilization required a suite of factors: a slow rate ofdecay of soft tissues,

108、 little scavenging by other animals, a lack of swift currents andwaves to jumble and carry away small bones, and fairly rapid burial. Given thesefactors, some areas have become a treasury of well-preserved ichthyosaur fossils.The deposits at Holzmaden, Germany, present an interesting case for analys

109、is. Theichthyosaur remains are found in black, bituminous marine shales deposited about 190million years ago. Over the years, thousands of specimens of marine reptiles, fish andinvertebrates have been recovered from these rocks. The quality of preservation isoutstanding, but what is even more impres

110、sive is the number of ichthyosaur fossilscontaining preserved embryos.Ichthyosaurs with embryos have been reported from 6 different levels of the shale in asmall area around Holzmaden, suggesting that a specific site was used by largenumbers of ichthyosaurs repeatedly over time. The embryos are quit

111、e advanced in theirphysical development; their paddles, for example, are already well formed. Onespecimen is even preserved in the birth canal. In addition, the shale contains theremains of many newborns that are between 20 and 30 inches long.Why are there so many pregnant females and young at Holzm

112、aden when they are sorare elsewhere? The quality of preservation is almost unmatched and quarry operationshave been carried out carefully with an awareness of the value of the fossils. But thesefactors do not account for the interesting question of how there came to be such aconcentration of pregnan

113、t ichthyosaurs in a particular place very close to their time ofgiving birth.罕见的化石记录胚胎与幼体谀保存下来在化石记录中是少见的事情。 微小纤细的骨骼 通常在石化匍就破食腐肉的动物拆散了,或者次风化作用破坏掉了。 鱼龙比 起 陆 地 的动物有更大的几率破保存下来, 因为它们作为诲洋动物常生活在腐蚀性较小的环境中。 但是它 们的石化需要一系列因素:软组织的腐烂速度缓慢,很少谀其他动物或食,缺少混杂、冲 走 小 骨 头 的 快 速 水 流 和 波 浪 ,以及相当快地夜掩埋。当这些因素存在时,某些地区就会变成一个充满保存

114、完好的鱼龙化石的宝库。在德国获东兹梅密,那儿的沉积物给人们提出了一个有趣的分析案例。人们在黑色的、含 沥 青 的 海 洋 页 岩 中 发 现 了 约19, 0 0 0年 前 沉 余 下 来 的 鱼 龙 化石。 几年时间内,在这些岩石中取得了数以千计的海洋爬行动物、鱼类以及无脊推 动 物 的 标 本 。 它们的保存质量非常的好,但更令人称奇的是保存下来的育有雄 船 的 鱼 龙 化 石 数 耳 。 在获东兹梅委附近一个小地区的六个不同的页岩层中分别 发 现 了 育 有 雄 腔 的 鱼 龙 化 石 。 这表明大量的鱼龙经年累月重复使用一个特定的地点。 那些雄月台已经发育得相当完 整了。 比如,它们的

115、躁桨已经完全形成了。有一个标本甚至谀保存在产道中。而且,那 块 页 岩 包 含 着 很 多 在2 0到3 0美寸之间的新生幼体的化石。为什么在其他地方那么稀少的怀孕雌兽和幼体在获东老梅委却那么多呢? 因为其保存质量几乎举世无双, 采集工作的进行一直是一丝不苟的。 大彖都认识到这些化石的价值极其珍贵,但这些因素并不能斛释这个有趣 的 问 题 : 为什么在一个特定的地点会如此集中地出现即将临产的怀孕鱼龙群呢?15 The Nobel AcademyFor the last 82 years, Swedens Nobel Academy has decided who will receive th

116、eNobel Prize in Literature, thereby determining who will be elevated from the great andthe near great to the immortal. But today the Academy is coming under heavy criticismboth from the without and from within. Critics contend that the selection of the winnersoften has less to do with true writing a

117、bility than with the peculiar internal politics ofthe Academy and of Sweden itself. According to Ingmar Bjorksten, the cultural editorfor one of the countrys two major newspapers, the prize continues to represent whatpeople call a very Swedish exercise: reflecting Swedish tastes. The Academy hasdefe

118、nded itself against such charges of provincialism in its selection by asserting thatits physical distance from the great literary capitals of the world actually serves toprotect the Academy from outside influences. This may well be true, but criticsrespond that this very distance may also be respons

119、ible for the Academys inability toperceive accurately authentic trends in the literary world.Regardless of concerns overthe selection process, however, it seems that the prize willcontinue to survive both as an indicator of the literature that we most highly praise, andas an elusive goal that writer

120、s seek. If for no other reason, the prize will continue to bedesirable for the financial rewards that accompany it; not only is the cash prize itselfconsiderable, but it also dramatically increases sales of an authors books.诺贝东委员会过 去 的8 2年里,瑞典的诺贝东委员会决定了谁将获得诺贝东文学奖, 因此也就决定了谁将从伟大或近于伟大条升为不朽。 但在今天,该委员会却遭

121、. 到了评选委 员 会 内 外 的 猛 烈 批 评 。 枇评者们争论说:” 评选获奖者时,起作用更大的不是真实的写作能力,而是该委员会以及瑞典特有的内部政治。 楼照瑞典两彖主要报 纸 之 一 的 文 化 版 编 转Ingmar Bjorksten的说族, 该文学奖仍然是 人们所说的一种非常瑞典式的做为:反映瑞典口味” 。对于其评选 过程中目光短浅的指责,该委员会辩护说,该委员会与世界几大文学之都相距逢远,实际上 使该委员会免受外来的干扰。 这也许是对的,但枇评者们反驳说,也正因为相距如此遥远, 该委员会才不能准确地把握文学界的真正趋势。尽管对评选程序存在着关注,该文学奖将继续作为世人最为推崇的

122、丈学的标志而存在, 并将继续是作家们难以达到却 又 会 不 断 追 逐 的 目 标 。 如果不考虑其他因素,而伍仅考虑与之俱来的经济利益 ,该奖也将继续为人所渴求: 这不仅因为该奖本身就是一邕可观的现金收入,而只该奖还将极大地增加一个作家的著作的销量。16 The War between Britain and FranceIn the late eighteenth century, battles raged in almost every corner of Europe, as well asin the Middle East, South Africa, the West Indi

123、es, and Latin America. In reality,however, there was only one major war during this time, the war between Britain andFrance. All other battles were ancillary to this larger conflict, and were often at leastpartially related to its antagonists goals and strategies. France sought total dominationof Eu

124、rope. This goal was obstructed by British independence and Britains effortsthroughout the continent to thwart Napoleon; through treaties, Britain built coalitions(not dissimilar in concept to todays NATO) guaranteeing British participation in allmajor European conflicts. These two antagonists were p

125、oorly matched, insofar as theyhad very unequal strengths: France was predominant on land, Britain at sea. TheFrench knew that, short of defeating the British navy, their only hope of victory was toclose all the ports of Europe to British ships.Accordingly, France set out to overcome Britain by exten

126、ding its military dominationfrom Moscow to Lisbon, from Jutland to Calabria. All of this entailed tremendous risk,because France did not have the military resources to control this much territory andstill protect itself and maintain order at home.French strategists calculated that a navy of 150 ship

127、s would provide the forcenecessary to defeat the British navy. Such a force would give France a three-to-twoadvantage over Britain. This advantage was deemed necessary because of Britainssuperior sea skills and technology, and also because Britain would be fighting adefensive war, allowing it to win

128、 with fewer forces. Napoleon never lost sight of hisgoal, because Britain represented the last substantialimpediment to his control of Europe. As his force neared that goal, Napoleon grewincreasingly impatient and began planning an immediate attack.英法战争在1 8世纪后期,战争爆发于欧洲大陆的几乎每一个角落,在中东、南非、西印度群岛、 拉丁美洲亦都

129、是如此。 然而实际上,在这一时期只有一场主要的战争,那 就 是 英 东 之 间 的 战 争 。 所有其他战争都服从于这一更大的争端,至少是与这两个对手的目标和战略有某些 关联。 族国力图统治整个欧洲,而美国的自主及其力图在整个欧洲大陆挫败拿破仑的种种 努力都是决国实现这一目标的障碍。 英国通过条约建立了浜盟( 和今天北约的概念没有什么 不同) 以保证美国插手所有欧洲的主要争端。 这两个对头并不是一对好对手,因为他们的力 量极不均衡:族兰西在陆地上称王,英格兰则在海上称霸。法国人明白,如果不能 击 败 英 国海军,他们胜利的唯一希望就是让欧洲的所有港口都对美国舰船关闭。 于是,族国将其 军事占领

130、从莫斯科延伸到里斯本, 队尤特兰延伸到卡拉布里亚,企图以此来制服英国。 所 有 这 些 行 动 包 含 着 巨 大 的 风 隈 ,因为法国并不具备足够的军事褥源,来控制这么多地盘,同 时又能保护自己,维持国内的秩序。法国战略彖们的算盘是,其 诲 军 若 拥 有150艘军舰,则 将 足 以 击 球 美 国 诲 军 。 这样的武力将使 绘 国 对 美 国 具 有3比2的优势。 这 种 优 势 破 认 为 是 必 不 可 少 的 , 因为英国人具有超群的海上技能和技术,并且打的是一场防御战争, 使它能以 少胜多。 拿破仑队未忘却他的目标, 因为美国是他统治全欧的最后一个重大的障碍。 随着 他的力量越

131、来越靠近这个目标,拿破仑变得越来越不耐烦起来,开始策划立即攻击。17 Evolution of SleepSleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all theprimates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as thereptiles.There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and drea

132、mless, depend onthe life-style of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely todream than prey, which are in turn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. Indream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive toexternal stimuli. Dreamless sleep

133、 is much shallower, and we have all witnessed cats ordogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deepdream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection,and it makes sense that today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid anima

134、ls are lessfrequently immobilized by deep sleep than the smart ones. But why should they sleepdeeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved?Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the factthat dolphins and whales and aquatic ma

135、mmals in general seem to sleep very little.There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather thanincreasing an animals vulnerability, the function of sleep is to decrease it? Wilse Webbof the University of Florida and Ray Meddis of London University have suggested thist

136、o be the case. It is conceivable that animals who are too stupid to be quiet on their owninitiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep.The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is aninteresting notion and probably at least p

137、artly true.睡厥的进化睡哌是古老的。 从脑电图上看,我们人类和所有灵长口动物以及几乎所有的嘀乳动 物 和 鸟 类 都 一 样 需 要 腥 眠 ;甚至爬行类动物也有睡眠。 有证据显示,有梦臊月氏和无梦腥月氏这两种类型的睡厥取决于该动物的生活方式。 从统计上看,食肉动物比夜捕食动物有 更 多 的 有 梦 睡 眠 ,而谀捕食动物更多地无梦藤厥。 动物在有梦睡眠时,破有效地解除动作能力, 并且对外界剌激缺乏反应。 无梦腥版则要浅得多。 我们都看到过腐和狗在显然的酣睡中, 有一点响动耳朵就会竖起来。 谀捕食动物很少有深度的有梦睡眠,这 看 来 显 然 是 自 然 选 择 的 结 果 。 而且这

138、一点是有道理的:当睡眠高度进化以后, 愚笨的动物比聪明的动物更少在深度睡眠状杰下丧失动作能力。 但是动物为什么要进入深度糜眼呢? 为什么这样的无动作状杰也会进化出来呢? 海豚、鲸鱼以及水生嘀乳动初睡哌都极少,这一事实可以给臃眠的根本 功能提供有用的线索。 海岸中是没有藏身之处的。 会不会是这样,睡眠不但不增加 动 物 受 伤 害 的 可 能 性 ,反 而 是 减 少 了 这 种 可 能 性 呢 ? 佛罗里达大学的 WilseWebb和 伦 敦 大 学 的Ray Meddis认为情况就是如此。 可以想像得出,在危险的时刻, 那些由于太愚笨向不能自动保 持安静的动物, 会不由自主地变得动弹不得。这

139、 一 点 在 食肉动物的幼兽身上表现得特别明显。 这是一个很有意思的看绘, 它至少部分是正确的。18 Modern American UniversitiesBefore the 1850s, the United States had a number of small colleges, most of themdating from colonial days. They were small, church connected institutions whoseprimary concern was to shape the moral character of their stud

140、ents.Throughout Europe, institutions of higher learning had developed, bearing the ancientname of university. In Germany a different kind of university had developed. TheGerman university was concerned primarily with creating and spreading knowledge,not morals. Between midcentury and the end of the

141、1800s, more than nine thousandyoung Americans, dissatisfied with their training at home, went to Germany foradvanced study. Some of them returned to become presidents of venerable colleges Harvard, Yale, Columbia and transform them into modern universities. The newpresidents broke all ties with the

142、churches and brought in a new kind of faculty.Professors were hired for their knowledge of a subject, not because they were of theproper faith and had a strong arm for disciplining students. The new principle was thata university was to create knowledge as well as pass it on, and this called for a f

143、acultycomposed of teacher-scholars. Drilling and learning by rote were replaced by theGerman method of lecturing, in which the professors own research was presented inclass. Graduate training leading to the Ph.D., an ancient German degree signifying thehighest level of advanced scholarly attainment,

144、 was introduced. With the establishmentof the seminar system, graduate students learned to question, analyze, and conducttheir own research.At the same time, the new university greatly expanded in size and course offerings,breaking completely out of the old, constricted curriculum of mathematics, cl

145、assics,rhetoric, and music. The president of Harvard pioneered the elective system, by whichstudents were able to choose their own courses of study. The notion of major fields ofstudy emerged. The new goal was to make the university relevant to the real pursuits ofthe world. Paying close heed to the

146、 practical needs of society, the new universitiestrained men and women to work at its tasks, with engineering students being the mostcharacteristic of the new regime. Students were also trained as economists, architects,agriculturalists, social welfare workers, and teachers.现 代 美 国 大 学1 9世 纪5 0年 代 以

147、 , 美 国 有 一 些 小 的 学 院 ,大多数成立于琏先时期 。 它们是与教会挂钩的小机构,主要目的是培养学生的道德品行。 当时在欧洲各地,高等教育机构已 经 发 展 起 来 ,用的是一个古老的名称一大学。 德国已经发展出一种不同类型的大学。 德国大学关 心的主要是创造知识和传播知识,而不是道德教育。 从世纪中叶到世纪末, 有9000多名美国青年因不满国内所受的教育而赴德深造。他们中的一些人回国后成为一些知名学府一哈佛、耶 鲁 、哥伦比亚的校长并JU巴这些学府转变成了现代意义的大学。 新校长们断绝了和 教会的关宗,聘请了新型的教职员,聘用教接根据的是他们在学科方面的知识,而不是正确的信仰和

148、约束学生的强硬手段。 新的原则是大学既要传播知识也要创造知识。 这就需要由 学者型老师组成教工队伍。 靠死记硬. 背和做练习来学习的方法变为德国式的讲解方族。 德 国式的讲解就是由教授讲授自己的研究课题。 通过研究生性质的学习可以获得表明最嵩学 术造诣的古老的德国学位一博士学柱。 随着讨论课制度的建立,研究生们学会了提问、分 析 以 及 开 展 他 们 自 己 的 研 究 。同时,新式大学学校 规 模 和 课程设置完全突破了过去那种只有教学、经典著作、美学和音乐的狭窄课程表。 吟佛大学的校长率先推出选课制度,这 样 学 生 们 就 能 选 择 自 己 的 专 业 。主修领域的概念也出现了。新的

149、百标是使大学对实际社会更有 用。 , 密切关注着社会上的实际需求,新的大学着意培养学生斛决问题的能力。 工 程 系 学 生 成 为新式教育体制下最典型的学生。学生们还破培训成为经济学彖、建筑师、农学彖、社 会 工 作 人 员 以 及 教 师 。19 Childrens Numerical SkillsPeople appear to be born to compute. The numerical skills of children develop so earlyand so inexorably that it is easy to imagine an internal clock

150、of mathematical maturityguiding their growth. Not long after learning to walk and talk, they can set the tablewith impressive accuracyone knife, one spoon, one fork, for each of the five chairs. Soon they are capable ofnoting that they have placed five knives, spoons and forks on the table and, a bi

151、t later,that this amounts to fifteen pieces of silverware. Having thus mastered addition, theymove on to subtraction. It seems almost reasonable to expect that if a child weresecluded on a desert island at birth and retrieved seven years later, he or she couldenter a second-grade mathematics class w

152、ithout any serious problems of intellectualadjustment.Of course, the truth is not so simple. This century, the work of cognitive psychologistshas illuminated the subtle forms of daily learning on which intellectual progressdepends. Children were observed as they slowly grasped or, as the case might

153、be,bumped into concepts that adults take for granted, as they refused, for instance, toconcede that quantity is unchanged as water pours from a short stout glass into a tallthin one. Psychologists have since demonstrated that young children, asked to countthe pencils in a pile, readily report the nu

154、mber of blue or red pencils, but must becoaxed into finding the total. Such studies have suggested that the rudiments ofmathematics are mastered gradually, and with effort. They have also suggested that thevery concept of abstract numbers - the idea of a oneness, a twoness, a threeness thatapplies t

155、o any class of objects and is a prerequisite for doing anything moremathematically demanding than setting a table - is itself far from innate.儿 童 的 教 学 能 力人 仞 手 生 来 就 会 计 算 。 孩 子 们 使 用 数 学 的 技 能 发 展 得 如 此 之 早 和 如 此 必 然 ,很 叁易 让 人 想 象 有 一 个 内 在 的 精 确 而 成 熟 的 数 学 钟 在 指 导 他 们 的 成 长 。孩 子 们 在 学会 走 路 和 说 话

156、 后 不 久 ,就 能 以 令 人 惊 叹 的 准 确 布 置 桌 子 - - 五 把 椅 子 前 面 分 别 推 上- 4巴力、 一个汤匙, 、 一 把 叉子 。 彳艮快地,他 们 就 能 知 道 他 们 已 在 桌 面 上 槎 放 了 五 杷 刀 、五个汤匙. 、五 把 叉 子 。没 有 多 久 ,他 们 就 又 能 知 道 这 些 东 西 加 起 来 总 共 是1 5把 银 餐 具 。如 此 这 般 地掌 握 了 加 决 之 后 ,他 们 又 转 向 减 医 。有 一 种 设 想 几 乎 顺 理 成 章 , 那 就 是 , 即使一 个 孩 子 一 出 生 就 破 隔 绝 到 克 岛 上

157、,七 年 后 返 回 世 间 ,也 能 直 接 上 小 学 二 年 级 的教 学 课 , 而 不 会 碰 到 任 何 智 力 调 整 方 面 的 大 麻 烦 。 当 然 , 事 实 并 没 有 这 么 简 单 。本 世 纪 认 知 心 理 学 家 的 工 作 已 经 揭 示 了 智 力 发 展 所 依 赖 的 目 帚 学 习 的 微 妙 形 式 。他 们 观 察 到 孩 子 们 缓 慢 掌 握 那 些 成 年 人 认 为 理 所 当 然 的 概 念 的 过 程 , 或者是孩子们 偶 然 退 到 这 些 概 念 的 过 程 。他 们 也 观 察 到 孩 子 们 拒 绝 承 认 某 些 帚 识 的

158、 情 况 。比 如 : 孩 子 们 拒 绝 承 认 当 水 从 短 而 粗 的 瓶 中 倒 入 细 而 长 的 瓶 子 中 时 ,水 的 数 量 没有 变 化 。 心 理 学 家 们 而 后 又 展 示 一 个 例 子 , 即 :让 孩 子 们 教 一 堆 铝 邕 时 ,他们能 顺 利 地 报 出 蓝 铅 鸡 或 红 铅 邕 的 数6 ,但 却 需 诱 导 才 能 报 出 总 的 数 目 。 此类研究 表 明 :教 学 基 础 是 经 过 逐 渐 努 力 后 掌 握 的 。 他 们 还 表 示 抽 象 的 数 学 概 念 ,如可 表 示 任 何 一 类 物 品 并 且 是 在 做 比 摆 桌

159、子 有 更 高 教 学 要 求 的 任 何 事 时 都 必 备 的一 、 二 、 三 意 识 , 迹 还 不 是 天 生 就 具 备 的 。 20 The Historical Significance of AmericanRevolutionThe ways of history are so intricate and the motivations of human actions so complexthat it is always hazardous to attempt to represent events covering a number of years, amulti

160、plicity of persons, and distant localities as the expression of one intellectual orsocial movement; yet the historical process which culminated in the ascent of ThomasJefferson to the presidency can be regarded as the outstanding example not only of thebirth of a new way of life but of nationalism a

161、s a new way of life. The AmericanRevolution represents the link between the seventeenth century, in which modernEngland became conscious of itself, and the awakening of modern Europe at the end ofthe eighteenth century. It may seem strange that the march of history should have hadto cross the Atlant

162、ic Ocean, but only in the North American colonies could a strugglefor civic liberty lead also to the foundation of a new nation.Here, in the popular rising against a tyrannical government, the fruits were more thanthe securing of a freer constitution. They included the growth of a nation born in lib

163、ertyby the will of the people, not from the roots of common descent, a geographic entity, orthe ambitions of king or dynasty. With the American nation, for the first time, a nationwas born, not in the dim past of history but before the eyes of the whole world.美国革命的历史意义 历史的进程是如此错综复杂, 人类行为的动机是如此令人希解 ,

164、以至于想把那些时间跻度 大 , 涉及人数多,无同范围广的事件描述成为一个智者或一场社会运动的表现的 企 图 是 危 险 的 。 然而以托马斯杰弗逊於上总统宝座为嵩潮的那一段历史过程可 以 被 视 为 一 个 特 殊 的 例 子 。 在这段历史时期里不便诞生了新的生活方式,而且民族主义成为了 一种新的生活 方式。 美 国 独 立 战 争 成 为 联 结1 7世纪现代美格 兰 的 自 我 意 识 和1 8世 纪 末 现 代 欧 洲 的 觉 醒 的 纽 带 。 历史的行程需要阵越大西洋,这看起来仞手有些奇怪,但却只有在北美琏氏地为 民权和自由的斗争才能导致新国彖的建立。 这里,反对 暴政” 的先次起

165、义的成果不伍是获 得一个包含更多自由的宪法,还包括了一个依照人先的意愿诞生在自由中的国家的成长。这个国家不是基于血缘、地理、君主或王朝的野心。 由于有了美国,第一次一个国彖的诞生不是发生在历史模糊的过去,而是在全世界人们的眼前。21 The Origin of SportsWhen did sport begin? If sport is, in essence, play, the claim might be made that sportis much older than humankind, for, as we all have observed, the beasts play.

166、 Dogs andcats wrestle and play ball games. Fishes and birds dance. The apes have simple,pleasurable games. Frolicking infants, school children playing tag, and adult armwrestlers are demonstrating strong, transgenerational and transspecies bonds with theuniverse of animals - past, present, and futur

167、e. Young animals, particularly, tumble,chase, run, wrestle, mock, imitate, and laugh(or so it seems) to the point of delightedexhaustion. Their play, and ours, appears to serve no other purpose than to givepleasure to the players, and apparently, to remove us temporarily from the anguish oflife in e

168、arnest. Some philosophers have claimed that our playfulness is the most noblepart of our basic nature. In their generous conceptions, play harmlessly andexperimentally permits us to put our creative forces, fantasy, and imagination intoaction. Play is release from the tedious battles against scarcit

169、y and decline which arethe incessant, and inevitable, tragedies of life. This is a grand conception that excitesand provokes. The holders of this view claim that the origins of our highestaccomplishments - liturgy, literature, and law - can be traced to a play impulse which,paradoxically, we see mos

170、t purely enjoyed by young beasts and children. Our sports, inthis rather happy, nonfatalistic view of human nature, are more splendid creations ofthe nondatable, transspecies play impulse.体 育 的 起 源 体 育 运 动 开 始 于 何 时 ? 如 果 体 育 运 动 的 本 质 就 是 游 戏 的 话 , 我 们 就 可以 宣 称 体 育 运 动 比人 类 古 老 ,因 为 正 如 我 们 所 观 察 到

171、 的 ,野 兽 也 进 行 嬉 戏 。 狗 和 猫 会 叔 抱 玩 球 ,鱼和 鸟 翩 翩 起 舞 ,猿 类 会 进 行 一 些 简 单 的 、愉 快 的 游 戏 。 雀 跃 的 幼 儿 ,我迷 藏 的学 童 和 成 年 摔 跋 者 展 示 出 人 与 动 物 界 的 有 力 的 球 越 世 代 与 物 种 的 永 恒 的 联 系 一特别是幼兽,它们翻筋斗、追逐、 奔跑、叔打、模仿、嬉笑( 或者看起来是) ,直到愉快地精疲力尽。 他们的玩耍, 同 我 们 的 一 样 ,仞手并没有别的目的而只是给游戏者以愉悦,暂时杷我们从严肃生活的痛苦中拉出来。 一些哲学彖称我们的嬉戏是我们本质中最崇嵩的部分。

172、 依他们这些随意性很大的见解,游 戏 无 害 而且实验性地允许我们的创造力、幻想和想象发挥作用。 游戏让人们从永不同断赤不可避免的生活悲剧- 与乏匮和衰退进行的枯燥抗争中得到一种斛脱。 这是一个令人兴舂、 给人启发的伟大见斛。 这种见解的持有者宣称,我们的最嵩成就如宗教典礼、文学、法 律 的 起 源 可 以 追 溯 到 游 戏 的 冲 动 。 但令人不解的是我们看到只有幼兽和小孩子才最绝辞地享受着这种冲动。 从这种比较再达和非宿命的人性观来看,我们的运动是超时代、阵物种的 辉煌的创造。22 CollectiblesCollectibles have been a part of almost

173、every culture since ancient times. Whereassome objects have been collected for their usefulness, others have been selected fortheir aesthetic beauty alone. In the United States, the kinds of collectibles currentlypopular range fromtraditional objects such as stamps, coins, rare books, and art to mor

174、e recent items ofinterest like dolls, bottles, baseball cards, and comic books.Interest in collectibles has increased enormously during the past decade, in partbecause some collectibles have demonstrated their value as investments. Especiallyduring cycles of high inflation, investors try to purchase

175、 tangibles that will at leastretain their current market values. In general, the most traditional collectibles will besought because they have preserved their value over the years, there is an organizedauction market for them, and they are most easily sold in the event that cash is needed.Some examp

176、les of the most stable collectibles are old masters, Chinese ceramics,stamps, coins, rare books, antique jewelry, silver, porcelain, art by well-known artists,autographs, and period furniture. Other items of more recent interest include oldphotograph records, old magazines, post cards, baseball card

177、s, art glass, dolls, classiccars, old bottles, and comic books. These relatively new kinds of collectibles mayactually appreciate faster as short-term investments, but may not hold their value aslong-term investments. Once a collectible has had its initial play, it appreciates at afairly steady rate

178、, supported by an increasing number of enthusiastic collectorscompeting for the limited supply of collectibles that become increasingly more difficultto locate.收藏j品从古代开始,收藏品就是文化的一部分。 一些物品因它们的有用性次收藏,时另一 些 则 免 粹 因 为 它 们 的 美 校 收 藏 。 在 美 国 ,当今流行的收藏品种类从传统物件,如 邮 票 、硬币、 珍本书籍、艺术品,到更近期一些的有捶的东西,如布娃娃、瓶子、垒球卡、连环

179、漫画册。 对收藏品的兴趣在过去十年中大大地增长,部分原因是一些收藏品显示出了它们的投资价 值。 尤其在高通货膨胀时期,投资者尽量购买那些至少会保持他们现有市场价值的有形资 产。 一般来说,最传统的收菽品受青睐,因为它们多年后仍保持其价值。它 们 拥 有 完 善 的 拍 卖 市 场 ,在需要现金的时候最参易谀卖掉。 一些最稔当的收藏品是古老的画作、 中国陶 器 、邮票、硬, 币、珍本书籍、古代珠宝、银 器 、 篦器、著名艺术彖的作品、京邕签名和有 时 代 特 征 的 家 具 。 其它更近期的物品有旧唱片、间杂志、明信片、垒球卡片、彩色玻璃、布 娃 娃 、早期汽车、古瓶和连环画册。 作为短期投资这

180、些相对说来较 新 颖 的 收 藏 品 的 确 可 能 更 快 地 增 值 ,但作为长期投资则可能不能保值。 一旦一件收藏品有了它第一次交易,它便 以一个相当稳定的比率增值,这个增值率受到越来越多的热情的收藏者的支持, 他们为有限的而只越来越雄找到的收藏品而竞争。23 Henry FordAlthough Henry Fords name is closely associated with the concept of mass production,he should receive equal credit for introducing labor practices as early

181、as 1913 thatwould be considered advanced even by todays standards. Safety measures wereimproved, and the work day was reduced to eight hours, compared with the ten-ortwelve-hour day common at the time. In order to accommodate the shorter work day,the entire factory was converted from two to three sh

182、ifts.In addition, sick leaves as well as improved medical care for those injured on the jobwere instituted. The Ford Motor Company was one of the first factories to develop atechnical school to train specialized skilled laborers and an English language school forimmigrants. Some efforts were even ma

183、de to hire the handicapped and provide jobs forformer convicts.The most widely acclaimed innovation was the five-dollar-a-day minimum wage thatwas offered in order to recruit and retain the best mechanics and to discourage thegrowth of labor unions. Ford explained the new wage policy in terms of eff

184、iciency andprofit sharing. He also mentioned the fact that his employees would be able to purchasethe automobiles that they produced in effect creating a market for the product. Inorder to qualify for the minimum wage, an employee had to establish a decent homeand demonstrate good personal habits, i

185、ncluding sobriety, thriftiness, industriousness,and dependability. Although some criticism was directed at Ford for involving himselftoo much in the personal lives of his employees, there can be no doubt that, at a timewhen immigrants were being taken advantage of in frightful ways, Henry Ford washe

186、lping many people to establish themselves in America.亨利福特 尽管亨利福特的名字和大生产的概念相连,但他在手工保护上得到同样的赞誉, 因为他 早 在1913年便实行了用今天的标准来衡量依然是先进的标准。安全措施得到改进,目工 作 时 间 从 当 时 普 遍 的1 0或1 2小 时 减 少 到8小时。 为了适应更短的日工作时间,整个工厂 从双班变成了三班。而且,病假和改善了的工伤医疗得以制度化。 福特汽车公司是最早建立技术学校来培训专门技工和为移民开设美语学校的工厂之一。 公司甚至为雇佣或痪人和有前科的人而作出了一些努力。最受广泛称赞的革新是

187、实行五美元一天的最低工资。 其目的是招收和密住那些最好的技工并阻碍工会的发展。 福特队效率和利润分享的角度来解群 这项新的工资政策。 他也提到这样一个事实,他的员工可以买他们生产的沌车一这实际上是为其产品另开辟了一个市场。 为了够资格得到最低工资,员工必须建立一个得体的彖庭 并显示出前好的个人习惯,包括节制、俭 省 、勤勉和可靠。 虽然有人批 评 福 特 过 多 地 干 涉 了 员 工 的 私 人 生 活 ,但亳无疑问,在移民们破用恶劣的方式剥削的时代,亨利 福特却帮胁了许多人在美国扎下根来。24 PianoThe ancestry of the piano can be traced to

188、the early keyboard instruments of thefifteenth and sixteenth centuries the spinet, the dulcimer, and the virginal. In theseventeenth century the organ, the clavichord, and the harpsichord became the chiefinstruments of the keyboard group, a supremacy they maintained until the pianosupplanted them at

189、 the end of the eighteenth century. The clavichords tone wasmetallic and never powerful; nevertheless, because of the variety of tone possible to it,many composers found the clavichord a sympathetic instrument for intimate chambermusic. The harpsichord with its bright, vigorous tone was the favorite

190、 instrument forsupporting the bass of the small orchestra of the period and for concert use, but thecharacter of the tone could not be varied save by mechanical or structural devices.The piano was perfected in the early eighteenth century by a harpsichord maker inItaly(though musicologists point out

191、 several previous instances of the instrument). Thisinstrument was called a piano e forte (soft and loud), to indicate its dynamic versatility;its strings were struck by a recoiling hammer with a felt-padded head. The wires weremuch heavier in the earlier instruments. A series of mechanical improvem

192、entscontinuing well into the nineteenth century, including the introduction of pedals tosustain tone or to soften it, the perfection of a metal frame, and steel wire of the finestquality, finally produced an instrument capable of myriad tonal effects from the mostdelicate harmonies to an almost orch

193、estral fullnessof sound, from a liquid, singing tone to a sharp, percussive brilliance.钢琴钢 琴 的 家 祭 可 以 追 溯 至1 5至1 6世纪早期的键盘乐器,包括小型拨弦琴、洋琴和 维 金 娜 琴 。1 7世纪时风琴、 敲弦琴和拨弦琴成为键盘乐器类的主要成员。 这种 至 嵩 无 上 的 地 位 一 直 为 它 们 所 保 持 ,直 到1 8世纪末期钢琴将它们取代。 鼠弦古钢琴的音调有金属的音质, 缺乏雄劲。 然而由于它的音调变化多,许多作曲家发现对于亲切的室内乐是一种得体的乐器。 人们最喜欢用具备明快有

194、力音调的拨弦古钢琴来配合当时小型管弦乐团的低音乐器以 及在演奏会上演奏。 但它的音调难以变化,除非使用机械或构件装置。1 8世 纪 早 期 的 意 大 利 ,钢琴在一位拨琴钢琴制造者手中得到完善( 尽管音乐理论彖们指出有更早的例子) 。 这种 乐 器 破 称 为piano eforte ( 意大利语,柔和而响亮的) ,以显示它有力的多样性。演 奏 者 用 一个头部带皮毡的弹击乐锤敲击琴弦。更早的这种乐器之上的金属丝要重得多。 从 此 ,持 续 到1 9世纪的一系列机械上的改进,包括引入珞板以维持音调或使其柔和,改善金属柩架, 以及使用最佳性能的钢丝,最终产生了一种具备无数音调效果的乐器。 这些

195、效果遏盖了从 最精致的和声到几乎全部的管弦乐音响,队明快流扬的吟唱的音调到尖锐的打击乐器的清晰动人的恢宏与势。25 Movie MusicAccustomed though we are to speaking of the films made before 1927 as silent, thefilm has never been, in the full sense of the word, silent. From the very beginning,music was regarded as an indispensable accompaniment; when the Lum

196、iere films wereshown at the first public film exhibition in the United States in February 1896, theywere accompanied by piano improvisations on popular tunes. At first, the music playedbore no special relationship to the films; an accompaniment of any kind was sufficient.Within a very short time, ho

197、wever, the incongruity of playing lively music to a solemnfilm became apparent, and film pianists began to take some care in matching theirpieces to the mood of the film.As movie theaters grew in number and importance, a violinist, and perhaps a cellist,would be added to the pianist in certain cases

198、, and in the larger movie theaters smallorchestras were formed. For a number of years the selection of music for each filmprogram rested entirely in the hands of the conductor or leader of the orchestra, andvery often the principal qualification for holding such a position was not skill or tasteso m

199、uch as the ownership of a large personal library of musical pieces. Since theconductor seldom saw the films until the night before they were to be shown (if indeed,the conductor was lucky enough to see them then), the musical arrangement wasnormally improvised in the greatest hurry.To help meet this

200、 difficulty, film distributing companies started the practice ofpublishing suggestions for musical accompaniments. In 1909, for example, the EdisonCompany began issuing with their films such indications of mood as pleasant, sad,lively. The suggestions became more explicit, and so emerged the musical

201、 cue sheetcontaining indications of mood, the titles of suitable pieces of music, and precisedirections to show where one piece led into the next.Certain films had music especially composed for them. The most famous of these earlyspecial scores was that composed and arranged for D. W. Griffiths film

202、 Birth of aNation, which was released in 1915.电影插曲尽 管 我 们 习 惯 于 将1927年以前的电影称为“ 无声电影 ,但是就无声这个词完整的 意 义 上 来 说 ,电影从未真正的无声过, 从最初开始音乐就次视为必不可少的伴奏 。 当卢米埃余 的 电 影 在1896年2月美国首届影片公映展览上放映的时候,影片使用当时的流行曲临场钢 琴伴奏。 最 初 ,这些音乐伴奏与电影没有什么特别的关系,用什么曲子伴奏都行。 但在很 短的时间内,为一部庄重的影片演奏快活的音乐所产生的不协调感变得显而易见, 因此钢琴彖们开始注意将自己的作品与影片的情调结合起来。

203、 随着影剧院在数量上与重要性上的不 断增长,在一些场合,除了钢琴师外,还要加上小提琴师,或许还有一住大提琴师。 较 大 的影剧院里还组成了小型的管弦乐队。 在很长的时间内,为各部影片选择配乐完全掌握在 乐队指挥或队长手中,而通帚把持这种职位的资格不是技巧或鉴赏品味,而 是 拥 有 一个大的音乐作品的个 人收藏。因为直到电影上映的前一天晚上乐队指挥才能看到影片( 如果这个指挥真正有幸能够看到影片的话) ,音乐安排通常是在非常匆忙的情况下临场进行的。为 了 解 决 以 上 的 图 难 ,电影发行公司开办了为音乐伴奏印制提示单的业务。 例 如1909年爱迪生公司开始将一些诸如 喜悦的 、 悲伤的 、

204、 活泼的 之类表明影片情调特征的提示与影片一起 发行。 这些提示逐渐变得更加具体,并且出现了包括影片情调说明、适用乐曲名称和乐曲 转换点等内参的配乐说明单。 某些影片拥有专门为其创作的音乐。 这些早期特创乐谱 中 最 著 名 的 便 是 为D. W .格 雷 夫 斯1915年 上 映 的 影 片 一个国家的诞生所创作的音乐。26 International Business and Cross-cultural CommunicationThe increase in international business and in foreign investment has created a

205、need forexecutives with knowledge of foreign languages and skills in cross-culturalcommunication. Americans, however, have not been well trained in either area and,consequently, have not enjoyed the same level of success in negotiation in aninternational arena as have their foreign counterparts.Nego

206、tiating is the process of communicating back and forth for the purpose of reachingan agreement. It involves persuasion and compromise, but in order to participate ineither one, the negotiators must understand the ways in which people are persuadedand how compromise is reached within the culture of t

207、he negotiation.In many international business negotiations abroad, Americans are perceived aswealthy and impersonal. It often appears to the foreign negotiator that the Americanrepresents a large multi-million-dollar corporation that can afford to pay the pricewithout bargaining further. The America

208、n negotiators role becomes that of animpersonal purveyor of information and cash.In studies of American negotiators abroad, several traits have been identified that mayserve to confirm this stereotypical perception, while undermining the negotiatorsposition. Two traits in particular that cause cross

209、-cultural misunderstanding aredirectness and impatience on the part of the American negotiator. Furthermore,American negotiators often insist on realizing short-term goals. Foreign negotiators, onthe other hand, may value the relationship established between negotiators and may bewilling to invest t

210、ime in it for long-term benefits. In order to solidify the relationship,they may opt for indirect interactions without regard for the timeinvolved in getting to know the other negotiator.Clearly, perceptions and differences in values affect the outcomes of negotiations andthe success of negotiators.

211、 For Americans to play a more effective role in internationalbusiness negotiations, they must put forth more effort to improve cross-culturalunderstanding.国际商业和摩文化交流 国际贸易和诲外投资的增加产生了对具有外语知识和阵文 化 交 流 技 巧 的 经 理 的 需 求 。 然而,美国人在这两方面未得到葭好的训练, 因此没有在国际被判 中象他们的外国对手一样成功。 淡判是为了达成出议而反复交流的过程。 它 包 括 说 服 和 妥 出 。 但

212、是为了去进行说服和妥俗,被判者必须懂得在谈判的文化中怎样说服人和怎样达成 妥协。 在国外的国际商务淡判中,美国人谀视为富有和不, 带个人情感。 在外国淡判者看来, 仞孑美国人代表着一个庞大的拥有数百万资财的大企业,不用进一步地讨价还价就能出得起 价钱。 美国淡判者的角色变成了一个没有个人感情的信息及现金的供应者。对在国外的美国谈判者的研究中,我们找出了损害淡判者能力的几个特点,或许证实这个已成定 式 的 看 族 。 尤 其 引 起 阵 文 化 误 解 的 两 个 特 点 是 美 国 淡 判 者 的 直 指 了 当 和 缺 乏 利心 。 此 外 , 美 国 淡 判 者 经 常 坚 持 实 现 短

213、 期 目 标 , 而 外 国 的 被 判 者 会 珍 视 建 立 淡判 者 之 间 的 联 宗 并 愿 意 为 长 期 利 益 投 入 时 间 。为 了 巩 固 这 种 联 系 ,他 们 会 选 择非 直 接 的 交 流 而 不 计 较 投 入 用 于 了 解 对 方 的 时 间 。 明 显 地 ,价 值 观 的 不 同 和 理 解上 的 差 异 影 响 了 淡 判 的 结 果 和 淡 判 者 的 成 功 与 否 。美 国 人 要 在 国 际 商 务 谈 判 中扮 演 更 为 有 效 的 角 色 ,他 们 就 必 须 投 入 更 多 的 努 力 提 嵩 阵 文 化 的 理 斛 力 。27 Sc

214、ientific TheoriesIn science, a theory is a reasonable explanation of observed events that are related. Atheory often involves an imaginary model that helps scientists picture the way anobserved event could be produced. A good example of this is found in the kineticmolecular theory, in which gases ar

215、e pictured as being made up of many small particlesthat are in constant motion.A useful theory, in addition to explaining past observations, helps to predict events thathave not as yet been observed. After a theory has been publicized, scientists designexperiments to test the theory. If observations

216、 confirm the scientists predictions, thetheory is supported. If observations do not confirm the predictions, the scientists mustsearch further. There may be a fault in the experiment, or the theory may have to berevised or rejected.Science involves imagination and creative thinking as well as collec

217、ting informationand performing experiments. Facts by themselves are not science. As themathematician Jules Henri Poincare said,Science is built with facts just as a house isbuilt with bricks, but a collection of facts cannot be called science any more than a pileof bricks can be called a house. Most

218、 scientists start an investigation by finding outwhat other scientists have learned about a particular problem. After known facts havebeen gathered, the scientist comes to the part of the investigation that requiresconsiderable imagination. Possible solutions to the problem are formulated. Theseposs

219、ible solutions are called hypotheses.In a way, any hypothesis is a leap into the unknown. It extends the scientists thinkingbeyond the known facts. The scientist plans experiments, performs calculations, andmakes observations to test hypotheses. Without hypothesis, further investigation lackspurpose

220、 and direction. When hypotheses are confirmed, they are incorporated intotheories.科学理论在科学中,理论是对所观察到的相关事件的合理解释。 理论通常包含一个虚构的模型,这个模型率助科学彖构想所观察到的事件是如何发生的。 分子运动理论便是我们能 找 到 的 一 个 很 好 的 例 子 。 在这个理论中, 气体被描绘成由许多不断运动的小颗卷组成。 一 个 有 用 的 理 会 ,除了能够斛释过去的观测,还有助于预测那些未谀观测到的事件。 一个理论公开 后 ,科学家们设计实验来检验这个理论。 如果观察证实了科学彖的预言,

221、这 个 理 论 则 得 到 了 验 证 。 如果观察不能证实科学彖的预言,科学, 彖就必须进一步的研究。 或许是实验存在 错 误 ,或许是这个理论必须夜修改或抛弃。 科 学 彖 除 了 收 集 信 息 和操作实验外还需要想象能力和 创 /连性思维。 事实本身并不是科学。 正如教学家乔斯亨利波恩克东所说:” 科 学建立在事实之上,就像房子用砖砌成一样。 但事实的收集不能破称作科学,就像一堆砖 不能破叫作房孑一样。 多数科学彖通过找出别的科学彖在一个特定问题上的所知来开始研 究。在收集了已知事实之后,科学家开始了研究中需要相当想像力的部分。 他 们 东 后 拟 订对这个问题的可行的斛决方决。这些可

222、行的斛决方式 破 称 为 假 设 。 在 某 种 意 义 上 ,任 何 假 设 都 是 向 未 知 的 跳 跃 。 它 使 科 学 彖 的 思维 超 越 已 知 事 卖 。科 学 彖 计 划 实 验 、计 算 、观 测 以 检 验 假 定 。若 没 有 假 设 ,进一步 的 研 究 便 缺 乏 目 的 和 方 向 。 当 假 设 破 证 实 了 , 就 成 为 理 论 的 一 部 分 。28 Changing Roles of Public EducationOne of the most important social developments that helped to make po

223、ssible a shift inthinking about the role of public education was the effect of the baby boom of the1950s and1960s on the schools. In the 1920s, but especially in the Depression conditions of the1930s, the United States experienced a declining birth rate every thousand womenaged fifteen to forty-four

224、 gave birth to about 118 live children in 1920, 89.2 in 1930,75.8 in 1936, and 80 in1940. With the growing prosperity brought on by the Second World War and theeconomic boom that followed it young people married and established householdsearlier and began to raise larger families than had their pred

225、ecessors during theDepression. Birth rates rose to 102 per thousand in 1946, 106.2 in 1950, and 118 in1955. Although economics was probably the most important determinant, it is not theonly explanation for the baby boom. The increased value placed on the idea of thefamily also helps to explain this

226、rise in birth rates. The baby boomers began streaminginto the first grade by the mid 1940s and became a flood by 1950. The public schoolsystem suddenly found itself overtaxed. While the number of schoolchildren rosebecause of wartime and postwar conditions, these same conditions made the schoolseven

227、 less prepared to cope with the flood. The wartime economy meant that few newschools were built between 1940 and 1945. Moreover, during the war and in the boomtimes that followed, large numbers of teachers left their profession for better-payingjobs elsewhere in the economy.Therefore in the 1950s an

228、d 1960s, the baby boom hit an antiquated and inadequateschool system. Consequently, the custodial rhetoric of the 1930s and early 1940s nolonger made sense that is, keeping youths aged sixteen and older out of the labormarket by keeping them in school could no longer be a high priority for an instit

229、utionunable to find space and staff to teach younger children aged five to sixteen. With thebaby boom, the focus of educators and of laymen interested in education inevitablyturned toward the lower grades and back to basic academicskills and discipline. The system no longer had much interest in offe

230、ring nontraditional,new, and extra services to older youths.公 共 教 育 的 角 色 变 化 一 项 重 要 的 、 有可能促使人们对公共教育的角色的看东发生转变的社会发展是本世纪五六十年代的生育嵩除对学校的影响。 在2 0年代,尤 其 是 在3 0年代后的大萧条中,美国经历了一次出生率的下降一 1920年 每 千 名 年 龄 在1 5岁 至4 5岁的妇女 生 下 大 约118个存活婴儿,1930年89.2个,1936年75.8个,1940年8 0个。 随着二战带来的持续繁荣以及随之而来 的经济增长,年轻人比大萧条中的同龄人更早地结

231、婚成彖,而且比辈养育更大的彖庭。1946年 出 生 率 上 升 到102%, 1950年 达106%, 1955年 达118%。 对于生育嵩峰 ,经 济 有 可 能 是 最 重 要 的 决 定 因 素 ,但它并不是唯一的解释。 不断受到重视的 家 庭 观 念也有助于解释出生率的上升。 到4 0年代中期为止,这些生育高峰出生的孩子们开始源源不断地进入小学一年级。 到了 1950年,就形成了一股洪流。 公共教育系统突然感到不堪重负了。 由 于 战 时 和 战 后 的 状 况 ,使得学龄儿童人数增加,这些状况使得学校面对这股洪流更加措手不及。 战时经济意味着在1940年 到1950年间几乎没有建立新

232、学校。 而 且 ,在战时和随后的经济 增长时期,大量的教师常开南住去别处从事报酬更为优厚的工作。 因此,在五六十年代, 生育嵩峰冲击着陈旧而不完备的学校体余。这样一来,3 0年 代 以 及4 0年代 早 期 , 监 护 理 论 就 不 再 有 意 义 了 。 也就是说,通 过 使1 6岁以上的年轻人等在学校不进入劳动力市场的 做法再也不是教育机构的优先考虑了。因为教育机 构 不 再 能 找 到 场 地 和 教 师 来 教 育 那 些 更 小 的5 -1 6岁的孩子。 随着生育嵩峰,教育者和圈外人士对教育的兴姓和焦点, 不可避免地 转向了更低的年级和基础的学术技能和学科上。 这个系统不再有浓厚的

233、兴捶给较年长的年轻人提供非传统的新式 的和额外的服务。29 TelecommutingTelecommuting substituting the computer for the trip to the job has been hailed asa solution to all kinds of problems related to office work.For workers it promises freedom from the office, less time wasted in traffic, and helpwith child-care conflicts. For

234、 management, telecommuting helps keep high performerson board, minimizes tardiness and absenteeism by eliminating commutes, allowsperiods of solitude for high-concentration tasks, and provides scheduling flexibility.In some areas, such as Southern California and Seattle, Washington, local government

235、sare encouraging companies to start telecommuting programs in order to reducerush-hour congestion and improve air quality.But these benefits do not come easily. Making a telecommuting program work requirescareful planning and an understanding of the differences between telecommutingrealities and pop

236、ular images.Many workers are seduced by rosy illusions of life as a telecommuter. A computerprogrammer from New York City moves to the tranquil Adirondack Mountains andstays in contact with her office via computer. A manager comes in to his office threedays a week and works at home the other two. An

237、 accountant stays home to care forher sick child; she hooks up her telephone modem connections and does office workbetween calls to the doctor.These are powerful images, but they are a limited reflection of reality. Telecommutingworkers soon learn that it is almost impossible to concentrate on work

238、and care for ayoung childat the same time. Before a certain age, young children cannot recognize, much lessrespect, the necessary boundaries between work and family. Additional child support isnecessary if the parent is to get any work done.Management too must separate the myth from the reality. Alt

239、hough the media has paida great deal of attention to telecommuting in most cases it is the employees situation,not the availability of technology that precipitates a telecommuting arrangement.That is partly why, despite the widespread press coverage, the number of companieswith work-at-home programs

240、 or policy guidelines remains small.电子交通电子 交 通 一 用 电 脑 取 代 上 班 的 往 返 - - 作 为 对 各 种 各 样 的 办 公 室 工 作 问 题 的 解 决 办族 已 受 到 了 欢 迎 。对 工 作 者 来 说 , 它 承 诺 不 受 办 公 室 的 约 束 , 更 少 的 时 间 浪 希在 交 通 上 和 有 助 于 解 决 照 看 小 孩 的 矛 盾 。对 管 理 者 来 说 , 电 子 交 通 有 助 于 挽 留嵩 效 率 的 工 作 者 ,通 过 堵 去 办 公 室 与 彖 之 间 的 来 回 往 返 ,大 大 减 少 工

241、作 拖 拉 和 航工 ,给 予 管 理 者 独 处 的 时 间 来 完 成 需 要 嵩 度 集 中 精 神 的 任 务 ,为 管 理 者 提 供 灵 活的 时 间 安 排 。 在 一 些 地 区 ,如 南 加 利 福 尼 亚 和 西 雅 图 、 华 盛 顿 , 地 方 政 府 鼓 励公 司 开 始 电 子 交 通 计 划 以 减 少 交 通 高 峰 时 的 塞 车 和 提 嵩 无 气 质 量 。 但 这 些 益 处 也来 之 不 易 。 要 使 电 子 交 通 成 功 需 要 仔 细 的 计 划 并 且 理 解 电 子 交 通 的 现 实 状 况 和流 行 的 想 象 之 间 的 区 别 。

242、许 多 工 作 者 被 电 子 交 通 的 美 好 幻 想 所 迷 威 。 一 位 电 脑程 序 设 计 员 从 纽 约 市 撤 到 了 宇 静 的 阿 第 伦 达 克 山 , 用 电 脑 保 持 与 她 办 公 室 之 间 的浜 东 。 一 位 经 理 一 周 三 天到办公 室 ,其 他 两 天 在 彖 工 作 ;一 位 会 计 师 在 家 照 顾她 生 病 的 孩 子 , 接 通 电 话 调 制 斛 调 器 的 接 头 , 在 同 医 生 通 话 之 余 完 成 办 公 室 工 作。这 些 是 很 有 震 撼 力 的 情 景 ,但 也 是 对 现 实 有 限 的 反 映 。电 子 交 通

243、者 很 快 发 现 在同 一 时 间 专 注 工 作 和 照 看 小 孩 几 乎 是 不 可 能 的 。 在 某 个 年 龄 之 前 , 小 孩 子 不 可能 意 识 到 , 更 不 可 能 尊 重 工 作 与 家 庭 之 间 的 界 限 。 如 果 彖 长 要 完 成 工 作 , 就必须 另 外 照 看 小 孩 。 管 理 阶 层 必 须 杷 现 实 同 神 话 分 开 。 虽 然 传 媒 对 电 孑 交 通 投入了 极 大 的 关 注 ,但 在 很 大 程 度 上 , 是 员 工 的 实 际 情 况 而 不 是 技 术 的 可 能 性 促 成 电子 交 通 的 安 排 。 这 就 是 为

244、什 么 尽 管 有 广 泛 的 报 导 , 具 有 在 家 工 作 项 目 或 行 动 纲领 的 公 司 教 司 依 然 很 少 的 部 分 原 因 。 30 The Origin of RefrigeratorsBy the mid-nineteenth century, the termiceboxhad entered the American language,but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the UnitedStates. The ice trade grew w

245、ith the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, andhospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter.After the Civil War(1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use.Even before 1880, half the ice sold in

246、New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, andone-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. Thishad become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor ofthe modern refrigerator, had been invented.Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as

247、we might now suppose. In the earlynineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to ascience of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the besticebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it wasthe melting of the i

248、ce that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts toeconomize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which keptthe ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventorsachieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficienticeb

249、ox.But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on theright track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, forwhich the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of hisown design to transport his butter to market, he

250、found that customers would pass up therapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter,still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, moreexplained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in orderto k

251、eep their produce cool.力k笳的由来直 到1 9世纪中期, 冰狗 这个名词才进入了美国语言,但冰仅低只是开始影响美国普 通市民的饮食。 冰的买卖随着城市的发展而发展。 冰板用在於稔、 酒弦、医院以及破一些有眼光的城市商人用于内、鱼和黄油的保绛。内战(1861-1865)之后,冰破用于冷藏货车,同时也进入了民用。 卷 至 在1880年南,半数在纽约 、希城和巴东的摩销售的冰,三分之一 在波士顿和芝加哥销售的冰进入家庭使用, 因为一种新的彖庭设备,冰 笳 ,即现代冰笳的看 身,谀发明了。 制造一台有效率的冰笳不像我们想象的那么简单。1 9世纪早期,关于对冷藏科学至关重要的热物

252、理知识是很浅陋的。 认为最好的冰笳应该防止冰的融化这样一个普遍的观点显然是错误的, 因为正是冰的融化起了制冷作用。 早期为节省冰的努力,包 括 用 毯 子 把 冰 包 起 来 ,使得冰不能发挥它的作用。 直 到 近1 9世纪末,发明, 彖们才成功地找到有效率的冰笳所需要的精确的隔热和循环的精确平衡。 但早在1803年 ,一 住 有 发 明 天 才 的 马 里 兰 农 场 主 ,托马斯莫东,找到了正确方决。他拥有一个农场, 寓 华 盛 顿 约2 0英里, 那里的乔治镇村庄是集市中心。当他用自己设计的冰箱运送黄油去市场时, 他发现顾客们会走过装在竞争者桶里那些义速融化的黄油而给他比市价更嵩的价格买

253、他仍然新绊坚硬, 整 齐地切成一磅一块的黄油。 英东说他的冰笳的一个好处是使得农民们不必在夜里上路去市场以保持他们产品的低温。31 British ColumbiaBritish Columbia is the third largest Canadian province, both in area and population. Itis nearly 1.5 times as large as Texas, and extends 800 miles (1,280km) north from theUnited States border. It includes Canadas ent

254、ire west coast and the islands just off thecoast.Most of British Columbia is mountainous, with long rugged ranges running north andsouth. Even the coastal islands are the remains of a mountain range that existedthousands of years ago. During the last Ice Age, this range was scoured by glaciersuntil

255、most of it was beneath the sea. Its peaks now show as islands scattered along thecoast.The southwestern coastal region has a humid mild marine climate. Sea winds that blowinland from the west are warmed by a current of warm water that flows through thePacific Ocean. As a result, winter temperatures

256、average above freezing and summersare mild. These warm western winds also carry moisture from the ocean.Inland from the coast, the winds from the Pacific meet the mountain barriers of thecoastal ranges and the Rocky Mountains. As they rise to cross the mountains, the windsare cooled, and their moist

257、ure begins to fall as rain. On some of the western slopesalmost 200 inches (500cm) of rain fall each year.More than half of British Columbia is heavily forested. On mountain slopes thatreceive plentiful rainfall, huge Douglas firs rise in towering columns. These forestgiants often grow to be as much

258、 as 300 feet (90m) tall, with diameters up to 10 feet(3m). More lumber is produced from these trees than from any other kind of tree inNorth America. Hemlock, red cedar, and balsam fir are among the other trees found inBritish Columbia.英属哥伦比亚美属哥伦比亚是加拿大的第三大堵,无论是面积还是人口都是如此。 它几乎是德克萨 斯 的1.5僖 ,从美国边境一直向北延

259、伸了 800英里(1, 280公里) 。 它包括了加拿大整个西 海岸及附近岛屿。 大部分英属哥伦比亚多山峦。 绵长而粗犷的山脉贯通南北。甚至那些 沿诲的岛屿都是砰些存在于千万年前的山脉的遗迹。在上一个冰河时期,这些山脉破冰河 冲刷侵蚀,直到大部分山脉破淹没在诲中。它们的峰顶显现为沿着海岸散布的岛屿。西南诲岸地区有着潮湿温和的海洋性气候。 从太平洋来的温缓的洋流使得从西吹过内陆的海风变得温履。 因此这儿冬天平均与温在零上而旦夏天也不会酷热。 这些温缓的西风同样也从海洋带来了混气。 来自太平洋的、 队海岸向内陆的风遇到诲岸山脉和落基山脉这些山脉屏障。 当气流升嵩阵越这些山脉时,风的温度就降低了,风

260、中的水分形成降雨。 在一些朝西 山 城 区 域 每 年 大 约 有200英寸( 500厘米) 的降水。 大部分美属哥伦比亚密布着森林。 在 有 充 足 降 水 的 斜 坡 ,巨大的道格拉斯松树高算人云。 这些森林 巨 人 常 常 长 利 嵩 达300英尺( 9 0米) ,直 役 粗 达1 0英尺( 3米) 。 这些树产出了比北美其他任何树都多的木材。 铁 杉 、红 香 椿 、香脂冷杉秋都是发现于英属哥布比亚的其它树种。32 BotanyBotany, the study of plants, occupies a peculiar position in the history of huma

261、nknowledge. For many thousands of years it was the one field of awareness about whichhumans had anything more than the vaguest of insights. It is impossible to know todayjust what our Stone Age ancestors knew about plants, but from what we can observe ofpreindustrial societies that still exist a det

262、ailed learning of plants and their propertiesmust be extremely ancient. This is logical. Plants are the basis of the food pyramid forall living things even for other plants. They have always been enormously important tothe welfare of people not only for food, but also for clothing, weapons, tools, d

263、yes,medicines, shelter, and a great many other purposes. Tribes living today in the junglesof the Amazon recognize literally hundreds of plants and know many properties ofeach. To them, botany, as such, has no name and is probably not even recognized as aspecial branch of knowledgeat all.Unfortunate

264、ly, the more industrialized we become the farther away we move fromdirect contact with plants, and the less distinct our knowledge of botany grows. Yeteveryone comes unconsciously on an amazing amount of botanical knowledge, andfew people will fail to recognize a rose, an apple, or an orchid. When o

265、ur Neolithicancestors, living in the Middle East about 10, 000 years ago, discovered that certaingrasses could be harvested and their seeds planted for richer yields the next season thefirst great step in a new association of plants and humans was taken. Grains werediscovered and from them flowed th

266、e marvel of agriculture: cultivated crops. Fromthen on, humans would increasingly take their living from the controlled production ofa few plants, rather than getting a little here and a little there from many varieties thatgrew wild - and the accumulated knowledge of tens of thousands of years ofex

267、perience andintimacy with plants in the wild would begin to fade away.植物学植 物 学 ,即对植物的研究,在人类知识的历史中占据了特殊的地位。 这是人类几千年 来超越模糊的认知而真正有所了解的领域之一。 我们今天不可能知道新石器 时 代 的 祖 先 们 对 植 物 到 底 了 解 多 少 , 但我们在至今仍存在的前工业化社会观察利 :人类对植物及其特性的详细了解应该是非常古老的。 这是理所当然的。 植物是其他生物卷至其他植物食物金字塔 的基础。 它们对人们的生活至关重要,不低在食物上,而且在衣物、式器、工具、染料、 药物、住

268、所和许许多多其他的用途上。 至今仍生活在亚马逊河丛林中的部落确实能够辨识几百种植物并知道每一种的许多特性。 对他们来说,植物学没有专门的名称,甚至可能根 本未破认为是一种专门知识。 不幸的是,工业化的程度越高,我们距直接与植物接触就越 远 ,我们的植物学知识的增加也就越微不足道。 然而每个人在不知不觉中拥有 大 量 的 植 物 学 知 识 ,很少有人认不出玫瑰、草果或兰花。 大约一万年前居住在 中 东 的 新时代的祖先们 发 现 某 些 草 能 次 收 获 , 它们的种子下一季耕种会收获更多时,人类就逶出了人和植物之间的 新关系第一大步。 谷子被发现后,农业的奇迹从此诞生:这就是可我培的谷物。

269、 从那时起, 人类越来越依赖少数可控制的作物生存,而不再是从众多的野生种类中这里获取一点,那里 获取一点。 这样 在 千 万 年 中 对 于 野 生 植 物 的 经 验 和 密 切 联 系 中 积 累 起 来 的 知 识 就 开 始 消 失了。 33 PlanktonScattered through the seas of the world are billions of tons of small plants and animalscalled plankton. Most of these plants and animals are too small for the human

270、eye tosee. They drift about lazily with the currents, providing a basic food for many largeranimals.Plankton has been described as the equivalent of the grasses that grow on the dry landcontinents, and the comparison is an appropriate one. In potential food value, however,plankton far outweighs that

271、 of the land grasses. One scientist has estimated that whilegrasses of the world produce about 49 billion tons of valuable carbohydrates each year,the seas plankton generates more than twice as much.Despite its enormous food potential, little effect was made until recently to farmplankton as we farm

272、 grasses on land. Now marine scientists have at last begun to studythis possibility, especially as the seas resources loom even more important as a meansof feeding an expanding world population.No one yet has seriously suggested that planktonburgers may soon become populararound the world. As a poss

273、ible farmed supplementary food source, however, planktonis gaining considerable interest among marine scientists.One type of plankton that seems to have great harvest possibilities is a tiny shrimplikecreature called krill. Growing to two or three inches long, krill provide the major foodfor the gre

274、at blue whale, the largest animal ever inhabit the Earth. Realizing that thiswhale may grow to100 feet and weigh 150 tons at maturity, it is not surprising that each one devours morethan one ton of krill daily.浮游生物 数十亿吨的谀称为 浮滋生物” 的小动物、 植物散布在世界的诲洋中。 这些 小 的 动 、植物大多大小彷唯以破人眼看到。 它们随波逐流,为许多较大的动物 提 供 了 基 本

275、 的 食 物 。 浮游生物曾破描述为生长在大陆陆地上的各种草类的诲洋对应物。 这种比裔是恰当的。 然而就潜在的食物价值而言,浮游生物远胜于草类。 一位科学彖曾经估计,世 界 上 的 草 类 每 年 生 产 大 约490亿吨有用的碳水化合物,而海洋里的浮游生物每年生产的碳水化合物 多于此数的两僖。 尽管浮游生物具备巨大的食物潜能,但直到最近人们还很少象种植草类那样付出努力养琏浮游生物。 现在,诲浑科学家们至少己开始研究这种可能性。 全球人口不断手张,海婵褥源作为食品的重要性日益突出。 现在还没有人认真说过“ 浮游生物汉堡”会很快在世界上流行起来。 然而,作为一种可能养琏的补充性食物资源,浮游生物

276、正引起了海婵科学彖们相当大的兴趣。一种仞手具有很大收获可能性的微小的虾状浮游生物谀称为鳞虾。 嶙 虾 长 至2 3英寸长时即成为地球上曾居住过的最大动物一蓝绿的主要食物。 成 熟 的 蓝 鲸 可 以 达 到100美尺长,150吨重,所 以 每 头 鲸 每 天 春 食1吨 多 的 鳞 虾 一 点 也 不 让 人 吃 惊 。34 Raising OystersIn the past oysters were raised in much the same way as dirt fanners raised tomatoes -by transplanting them. First, farme

277、rs selected the oyster bed, cleared the bottom of oldshells and other debris, then scattered clean shells about. Next, they planted fertilizedoyster eggs, which within two or three weeks hatched into larvae. The larvae drifteduntil they attached themselves to the clean shells on the bottom. There th

278、ey remainedand in time grew into baby oysters called seed or spat. The spat grew larger by drawingin seawater from which they derived microscopic particles of food. Before long,farmers gathered the baby oysters, transplanted them in other waters to speed up theirgrowth, then transplanted them once m

279、ore into another body of water to fatten themup.Until recently the supply of wild oysters and those crudely farmed were more thanenough to satisfy peoples needs.But today the delectable seafood is no longer available in abundance. The problem hasbecome so serious that some oyster beds have vanished

280、entirely.Fortunately, as far back as the early 1900s marine biologists realized that if newmeasures were not taken, oysters would become extinct or at best a luxury food. Sothey set up well-equipped hatcheries and went to work. But they did not have theproper equipment or the skill to handle the egg

281、s. They did not know when, what, andhow to feed the larvae. And they knew little about the predators that attack and eatbaby oysters by the millions. They failed, but they doggedly kept at it. Finally, in the1940s a significant breakthrough was made.The marine biologists discovered that by raising t

282、he temperature of the water, theycould induce oysters to spawn not only in the summer but also in the fall, winter, andspring. Later they developed a technique for feeding the larvae and rearing them to spat.Going still further, they succeeded in breeding new strains that were resistant todiseases,

283、grew faster and larger, and flourished in water of different salinities andtemperatures. In addition, the cultivated oysters tasted better!饲养牡蛎过去人们饲养牡蛎的方式很大程度上类仞于田地里的农夫种植蕃茄- - 通过移植来饲 养 它 们 。 首先,农夫选好牡蛎馅床,清除底部的间壳和其它杂物,然后四处微播干净的壳。 接 着 ,他们 我种” 已受精的牡蛎卵。 这 些 卵 在2 3周内会孵化成幼贝。 幼贝一直漂流直到拈在苗床底部干净的壳上为止。 它们会呆在那儿并

284、逐渐长成小牡蛎。 我们称之为种子或贝苗。贝苗吸进海水中的微小生物作为食物从而越长越大。 不久之后,农夫将这些 小 牡 蛎 收 集 起 来 ,杷它们移种进其他的水域加快其生长,然后再次将它们移种进另外的水域以使其肥 壮起来。 直到最近,野生的以及人工饲养的牡蛎完全能够满足人们的需要。 但 是 今 天 这 种 可 。的诲味已不再大量存在。这个问题已经变得如此严重以至于一些牡蛎馅床已完全消失。 幸运的是,早 在2 0世纪初期诲洋生物学彖们就意识到如果不采取新的措施, 牡蛎将会灭绝或至少会变为一种看侈的食品。 因此他们建堂了装备最好的孵卵场所并开始工作。 但 是 他 们 尚 没 有适当的装置或技术来处

285、理牡蛎卵。他们不知道何时、用什么以及如何喂养幼贝。他 们 对 捕 食数百万幼小牡蛎的动物天敌也所知无几。 他们失败了,但他们顽强地坚持了下来。 终于,在2 0世 纪4 0年代,一个重要的突破性的进梭产生了。海洋生物学彖发现,升高水温能够诱导牡蛎不伍在夏季也在秋季、冬季和春季里产卵。 后来他们发展了一项技术来喂养幼贝至其长成贝凿。 他们进一步成功地培养出了新的品种,可以抵抗疾病、长得更快、 更大并且在不同的盐度和温度的水中都能苗壮生长。 此外,这些塔琏出的牡蛎口感更佳!35 Oil RefiningAn important new industry, oil refining, grew aft

286、er the Civil War. Crude oil, orpetroleum a dark, thick ooze from the earth had been known for hundreds of years,but little use had ever been made of it. In the 1850s Samuel M. Kier, a manufacturer inwestern Pennsylvania, began collecting the oil from local seepages and refining it intokerosene. Refi

287、ning, like smelting, is a process of removing impurities from a rawmaterial.Kerosene was used to light lamps. It was a cheap substitute for whale oil, which wasbecoming harder to get. Soon there was a large demand for kerosene. People began tosearch for new supplies of petroleum.The first oil well w

288、as drilled by E. L. Drake, a retired railroad conductor. In 1859 hebegan drilling in Titusville, Pennsylvania. The whole venture seemed so impracticaland foolish that onlookers called it Drakes Folly. But when he had drilled downabout 70 feet (21 meters), Drake struck oil. His well began to yield 20

289、 barrels of crudeoil a day.News of Drakes success brought oil prospectors to the scene. By the early 1860s thesewildcatters were drilling for black gold all over western Pennsylvania. The boomrivaled the California gold rush of 1848 in its excitement and Wild West atmosphere.And it brought far more

290、wealth to the prospectors than any gold rush.Crude oil could be refined into many products. For some years kerosene continued tobe the principal one. It was sold in grocery stores and door-to-door. In the 1880srefiners learned how to make other petroleum products such as waxes and lubricatingoils. P

291、etroleum was not then used to make gasoline or heating oil.炼油一种重要的新兴工业一炼油业在国内战争后成长起来。未加工的石油,或原油一一种深 色的地下的稠浆- - 数百年来一直为大众所知,但是人们却很少使用过它。在 十 九 世 纪 五 十 年 代 , 萨缪东M科东,宾西东尼亚西部的一位制造商,开始从当地的溢出物中收集石油 并将它炼成煤油。与冶炼矿石一样,石油提炼是一个队未加工的原料中除去杂质的过程。煤 油次用来点灯。 它是绿油的一种便宜的林代 品 ,而鲸油正变得越来越难以获得。 不久就产 生了对煤油的大量需求。 人们开始寻找新的石油供应

292、。 第 一 口 油 井 为EL瑞克,一个退休的火车检票员所钻得。1859年他开始在宾西法尼亚的泰特斯维东钻井。整个的这项冒隈事业看起来是如此不现实和愚蠢以玫暑观者称之为 鸭子的蠢行 。 ( 泽 者 注 :Drakes Folly, drake在这里意含双关, 即指瑞克的名字, 又指该词的本义即鸭子。)但当瑞克往下钻 至7 0英尺( 2 1米) 的时候,他发现了石油。 他的油井从此每天生 产2 0桶原油。 瑞克成功的消急将石油勘探者们吸引到现场。 就 止 到1 9世纪6 0年代早期,这 些 冒 隈 者 为 寻 找 黑 色 的 金 子 ” 钻探遍了整个宾西法尼亚西部 。 这项繁荥的事业在剌激性和粗

293、犷的西部先熬上可与1848年的加州淘金热相媲美,而且它为勘探者带来了远超过淘金潮的财富。 原油 能 破 提 炼 成 许 多 产 品 。 多年以来煤油一直是主要的一种产品。 它在杂货店中出售由人挨户推销。1 9世纪八十九十年代炼油者们懂得了生产其它石油产品,如蜡和润滑油。 那时石油还没有破 用来制造沌油或采暖装置用油。36 Plate Tectonics and Sea-floor SpreadingThe theory of plate tectonics describes the motions of the lithosphere, thecomparatively rigid oute

294、r layer of the Earth that includes all the crust and part of theunderlying mantle. The lithosphere is divided into a few dozen plates of various sizesand shapes, in general the plates are in motion with respect to one another. Amid-ocean ridge is a boundary between plates where new lithospheric mate

295、rial isinjected from belows. As the plates diverge from a mid-ocean ridge they slide on amore yielding layer at the base of the lithosphere.Since the size of the Earth is essentially constant, new lithosphere can be created at themid-ocean ridges only if an equal amount of lithospheric material is c

296、onsumedelsewhere. The site of this destruction is another kind of plate boundary: a subductionzone. There one plate dives under the edge of another and is reincorporated into themantle. Both kinds of plate boundary are associated with fault systems, earthquakesand volcanism, but the kinds of geologi

297、c activity observed at the two boundaries arequite different.The idea of sea-floor spreading actually preceded the theory of plate tectonics. In itsoriginal version, in the early 1960s, it described the creation and destruction of theocean floor, but it did not specify rigid lithospheric plates. The

298、 hypothesis wassubstantiated soon afterward by the discovery that periodic reversals of the Earthsmagnetic field are recorded in the oceanic crust. As magma rises under the mid-oceanridge, ferromagnetic minerals in the magma become magnetized in the direction of thegeomagnetic field. When the magma

299、cools and solidifies, the direction and the polarityof the field are preserved in the magnetized volcanic rock. Reversals of the field giverise to a series of magnetic stripes running parallel to the axis of the rift. The oceaniccrust thus serves as a magnetic tape recording of the history of the ge

300、omagnetic fieldthat can be dated independently; the width of the stripes indicates the rate of thesea-floor spreading.板 块 结 构 与 诲 床 犷 梭板 块 结 构 理 论 描 述 岩 石 圈 的 运 动 。 岩 石 圈 是 相 对 坚 硬 的 地 球 外 层 ,包 括 全 部 地 壳和 部 分 地 梗 。 岩 石 圈 破 划 分 为 几 十 个 大 小 不 同 形 状 各 异 的 板 块 , 一 般 而 言 这 些板 块 都 处 于 相 对 运 动 之 中 。 一 道 中

301、海 等 是 板 块 之 间 的 边 界 ,在 那 里 新 的 岩 石 圈的 物 质 从 下 部 注 入 。当 板 决 从 中 海 脊 脱 寓 时 , 它 们 滑 向 在 岩 石 圈 基 部 较 易 变 形的 地 层 上 。因 为 地 球 的 大 小 本 质 上 是 不 变 的 , 只 有 同 等 数 量 的 岩 石 圈 物 质 在 其它 地 方 破 卷 没 , 新 的 岩 石 圈 才 能 生 成 。 销 毁 旧 岩 石圈 的 地 方 形 成 另 外 一 种 板 块 边 界 :一 块 潜 没 的 区 域 。 在 这 里 ,一 决 板 块 潜 没 到 另一板决的 边 缘 之 下 并 结 合 人 地

302、 慢 之 中 。 两 种 板 块 边 界 均 与 地 层 余 统 、 地 震 以 及火 山 活 动 有 关 ,但 在 两 种 边 界 处 观 察 到 的 诸 般 地 质 活 动 却 迥 然 不 同 。 诲 床 犷 展说 实 际 上 早 于 板 块 结 构 理 论 。在2 0世 纪6 0年 代 它 的 理 论 雏 形 中 ,描 述 了 诲 底 的 生 成 和 毁 天 ,但 没 有 详 细 介 绍 坚硬 的 岩 石 圈 板 决 。 这 个 假 定 不 久 之 后 为 发 现 所 证 实 。 该 发 现 表 明 地 球 磁 场 周 期性 的 逆 转 波 记 录 在 海 洋 地 壳 中 。当 岩 浆

303、从 中 海 脊 下 涌 起 的 时 候 , 岩 浆 中 的 磁 铁矿 物 质 按 地 磁 场 的 方 向 谀 磁 化 。岩 渠 冷 却 并 凝 固 下 来 后 , 地 磁 场 的 方 向 和 磁 极谀 保 密 在 磁 化 了 的 火 山 岩 中 。 磁 场 的 逆 转 形 成 一 系 列 与 断 屋 轴 线 平 行 的 条 形 磁区。 这 样 海 洋 壳 就 扮 演 了 磁 , 带 的 角 色 , 记 录 下 可 以 鉴 定 时 间 的 地 磁 场 的 历 史 。 条形 磁 区 的 宽 度 表 明 了 诲 底 步 展 的 速 度 。37 IcebergsIcebergs are among n

304、atures most spectacular creations, and yet most people havenever seen one. A vague air of mystery envelops them. They come into being somewhere in faraway, frigid waters, amid thunderous noise and splashingturbulence, which in most case no one hears or sees. They exist only a short time andthen slow

305、ly waste away just as unnoticed.Objects of sheerest beauty they have been called. Appearing in an endless variety ofshapes, they may be dazzlingly white, or they may be glassy blue, green or purple,tinted faintly or in darker hues. They are graceful, stately, inspiring in calm, sunlightseas.But they

306、 are also called frightening and dangerous, and that they are in the night, inthe fog, and in storms. Even in clear weather one is wise to stay a safe distance awayfrom them. Most of their bulk is hidden below the water, so their underwater parts mayextend out far beyond the visible top. Also, they

307、may roll over unexpectedly, churningthe waters around them.Icebergs are parts of glaciers that break off, drift into the water, float about awhile, andfinally melt. Icebergs afloat today are made of snowflakes that have fallen over longages of time. They embody snows that drifted down hundreds, or m

308、any thousands, orin some cases maybe a million years ago. The snows fell in polar regions and on coldmountains, where they melted only a little or not at all, and so collected to great depthsover the years and centuries.As each years snow accumulation lay on the surface, evaporation and melting caus

309、edthe snowflakes slowly to lose their feathery points and become tiny grains of ice. Whennew snow fell on top of the old, it too turned to icy grains. So blankets of snow and icegrains mounted layer upon layer and were of such great thickness that the weight of theupper layers compressed the lower o

310、nes. With time and pressure from above, the manysmall ice grains joined and changed to larger crystals, and eventually the deepercrystals merged into a solid mass of ice.冰山 冰山是大自然最壮观的创造之一,但大多数人却从未看到过冰山,一种朦胧神秘的专羡笼罩着它们。 冰山形成于久远的、粟冷的人体中,而只伴随着番声轰鸣般的嘈杂和 水 花 汹 涌 的 风 暴 , 但却无人耳闻日38 TopazTopaz is a hard, tra

311、nsparent mineral. It is a compound of aluminum, silica, and fluorine.Gem topaz is valuable. Jewelers call this variety of the stone precious topaz. Thebest-known precious topaz gems range in color from rich yellow to light brown orpinkish red. Topaz is one of the hardest gem minerals. In the mineral

312、 table of hardness,it has a rating of 8, which means that a knife cannot cut it, and that topaz will scratchquartz.The golden variety of precious topaz is quite uncommon. Most of the worlds topaz iswhite or blue. The white and blue crystals of topaz are large, often weighing thousandsof carats. For

313、this reason, the value of topaz does not depend so much on its size as itdoes with diamonds and many other precious stones, where the value increases aboutfour times with each doubling of weight. The value of a topaz is largely determined byits quality. But color is also important: blue topaz, for i

314、nstance, is often irradiated todeepen and improve its color.Blue topaz is often sold as aquamarine and a variety of brown quartz is widely sold astopaz. The quartz is much less brilliant and more plentiful than true topaz. Most of it isa variety of amethyst: that heat has turned brown.黄水晶黄水晶是一种坚硬、透明

315、的矿物质。 它是铝、硅和氯的化合物。 黄水晶宝石价值不菲。 珠宝商把这种石头称为 黄玉 。 最出名的黄玉有各种颜色如深黄色、淡棕色、浅红色等。 黄 水 晶 是 最 坚 硬 的 宝 石 矿 中 的 一 种 。 在矿石硬度表上,它的 硬 度 为8 ,这表明刀子不能割 开它而它可在石英上划痕。 金黄色的黄玉品种非帚罕见。 世界上大 多 数 的 索 水 晶 是 右 色 或 蓝 色 的 。 这些百色或蓝色的黄水晶晶体很大,, 帝常有数于克拉重。由于这个原因,黄水晶的价值不像钻石和许多其它宝石那样主要依赖于其大小,重量翻一番价值即上升约四偌。 黄 水 晶 的 价值很大程度上取决于其品质,但颜色也很重要。

316、率例来说,蓝色的黄水晶常需放射处理以加深和改善其颜色。 蓝色的黄水晶帚谀作为诲蓝宝石出售,许多种棕色石 英 诚 当 作 黄 水 晶 广 为 贩 卖 。 石英光亮度还小于黄水晶,犷藏储量也远较黄水晶丰富。 大 多 数 石 英 是 一 种 紫 水 晶 ,嵩温使其变为棕色。39 The Salinity of Ocean WatersIf the salinity of ocean waters is analyzed, it is found to vary only slightly from placeto place. Nevertheless, some of these small ch

317、anges are important. There are threebasic processes thatcause a change in oceanic salinity.One of these is the subtraction of water from the ocean by means of evaporation -conversion of liquid water to water vapor. In this manner the salinity is increased, sincethe salts stay behind. If this is carr

318、ied to the extreme, of course, white crystals of saltwould be left behind.The opposite of evaporation is precipitation, such as rain, by which water is added tothe ocean. Here the ocean is being diluted so that the salinity is decreased. This mayoccur in areas of high rainfall or in coastal regions

319、where rivers flow into the ocean.Thus salinity may be increased by the subtraction of water by evaporation, ordecreased by the addition of fresh water by precipitation or runoff.Normally, in tropical regions where the sun is very strong, the ocean salinity issomewhat higher than it is in other parts

320、 of the world where there is not as muchevaporation. Similarly, in coastal regions where rivers dilute the sea, salinity issomewhat lower than in other oceanic areas.A third process by which salinity may be altered is associated with the formation andmelting of sea ice. When sea water is frozen, the

321、 dissolved materials are left behind. Inthis manner, sea water directly beneath freshly formed sea ice has a higher salinity thanit did before the ice appeared. Of course, when this ice melts, it will tend to decreasethe salinity of the surrounding water. In the Weddell Sea Antarctica, the densest w

322、aterin the oceans is formed as a result of this freezing process, which increases the salinityof cold water. This heavy water sinks and is found in the deeper portions of the oceansof the world.海水盐度 如果我们分析海水的盐度,会发现地区间只有轻微的变化,然而有些小的变化是重要的。导致海洋的盐度变化的基本过程有三个,其中之一是通过蒸发的方式即把液杰水转化为水蒸 气来减少海洋中的水分。 这样由于盐留了下来

323、,所以盐度增大。 当然 ,如 果 这 种 方 式 走 向 极 端 ,将会余下白色的盐晶体。 与蒸发相反的是降水,如降雨, 由此水破加入诲中,海水披稀释,从而盐度降低。 这种情形会发生在大量降雨的地区,或江河八诲岸处。因此,盐 度通过蒸发减少水分而上升或通过降水或往流增加淡水成分而下降。 一般来说,在 阳 光 很 强 烈 的 热 带 地 区 ,诲水的盐度略嵩于世界上其它没有热带那样多的蒸发的地区。同理,在 江 河 稀 释海水的诲岸地带,诲水盐度略低于其它海区。 第三个可以变更盐度的过程与海洋中冰的形成和融化有关。 诲水冻结时,溶于其中的物质破密了下来。 这样,在新形成的海水冰面的正下方的诲水比在

324、冰形成之前有更嵩的盐度。当然, 当冰融化的时候,会 降 低 周 围 水 中 的 盐 度 。 在南极洲边缘的威德东诲中,结冰过程增加低温海水的盐度,从 而 形 成 了 浓 度 最 大 的 海 水 。 这些大密度的海水下沉,可以在世界海洋的深水域发现。40 Cohesion-tension TheoryAtmospheric pressure can support a column of water up to 10 meters high. But plantscan move water much higher; the sequoia tree can pump water to its

325、very top morethan 100 meters above the ground. Until the end of the nineteenth century, themovement of water in trees and other tall plants was a mystery. Some botanistshypothesized that the living cells of plants acted as pumps. But many experimentsdemonstrated that the stems of plants in which all

326、 the cells are killed can still movewater to appreciable heights. Other explanations for the movement of water in plantshave been based on root pressure, a push on the water from the roots at the bottom ofthe plant. But root pressure is not nearly great enough to push water to the tops of talltrees.

327、 Furthermore, the conifers, which are among the tallest trees, have unusually lowroot pressures.If water is not pumped to the top of a tall tree, and if it is not pushed to the top of a talltree, then we may ask: how does it get there? According to the currently acceptedcohesion-tension theory, wate

328、r is pulled there. The pull on a rising column of water in aplant results from the evaporation of water at the top of the plant. As water is lost fromthe surface of the leaves, a negative pressure, or tension, is created. The evaporatedwater is replaced by water moving from inside the plant in unbro

329、ken columns thatextend from the top of a plant to its roots. The same forces that create surface tensionin any sample of water are responsible for the maintenance of these unbroken columnsof water. When water is confined in tubes of very small bore, the forces of cohesion(the attraction between wate

330、r molecules) are so great that the strength of a column ofwater compares with the strength of a steel wire of the same diameter. This cohesivestrength permits columns of water to be pulled to great heights without being broken.内聚压力理论大 专 压 能 够 支 特1 0米嵩的水柱, 但植物可将水送得更嵩。 美洲红杉就能相水泵到 地 面 以 上100多米嵩的树顶。 直 到

331、1 9世纪末,水在树木和其它嵩大植物中的输送还是一个枝。 一些植物学彖假定植物中的活细胞充当了水泵的角色。 但许多实验表明细胞都已死亡的植 物茎干仍能将人输送到相当可观的嵩度。 对于植物中输送水的其它解斡都基于根压一植物底端的根对水的推动。 但根压完全不足以将水推到树顶。 况且,最 嵩 树 木 中 的 松 相 只 有 很 低 的 根 压 。 如果水不是破泵到高树的树顶,也不是波推到树顶, 那么我们会问: 它是怎样 到达树顶的呢?根据日前为人们所接受的内聚压力的理论,水是谀拉到上面去的。 一株植物 中作用于一个正在升嵩的水柱之上的拉力来自该植物顶部水的蒸发。 由于水从叶子表 面 表 大 ,一个负

332、压力,或张力就得以产生。 蒸发出去的水被植物里流动的水代誉。 这些水形成 木桩从植物顶端一直延伸到根部。在任何水样中造成表面张力的力支持着这些不断的水柱。 当水板限制在内检很小的管道中时,内聚压力( 水分子之间的相互吸引力) 是如此之大以致一 支水柱的强度相当于一根直楂相同的钢丝的强度。 这种内聚压力使得小柱被拉到非帚嵩的地方而不会断裂。41 American Black BearsAmerican black bears appear in a variety of colors despite their name. In the easternpart of their range, m

333、ost of these bears have shiny black fur, but in the west they growbrown, red, or even yellow coats. To the north, the black bear is actually gray or whitein color. Even in the same litter, both brown and black furred bears may be born.Black bears are the smallest of all American bears, ranging in le

334、ngth from five to sixfeet, weighing from three hundred to five hundred pounds. Their eyes and ears aresmall and their eyesight and hearing are not as good as their sense of smell.Like all bears, the black bear is timid, clumsy, and rarely dangerous, but if attacked,most can climb trees and cover gro

335、und at great speeds. When angry or frightened, it isa formidable enemy.Black bears feed on leaves, herbs, roots, fruit, berries, insects, fish, and even largeranimals. One of the most interesting characteristics of bears, including the black bear,is their winter sleep. Unlike squirrels, woodchucks,

336、and many other woodland animals,bears do not actuallyhibernate. Although the bear does not eat during the winter months, sustaining itselffrom body fat, its temperature remains almost normal, and it breathes regularly four orfive times per minute.Most black bears live alone, except during mating sea

337、son. They prefer to live in caves,hollow logs, or dense thickets. A litter of one to four cubs is born in January orFebruary after a gestation period of six to nine months, and they remain with theirmother until they are fully grown or about one and a half years old. Black bears canlive as long as t

338、hirty years in the wild, and even longer in game preserves set aside forthem.美国黑熊美国黑熊虽然波叫做黑熊但却有各种各样的颜色。 在它们生活区域的东部,大部分黑 熊长有富有光泽的黑毛, 但在西部, 他们则长着棕色、 红色甚至是黄色的毛。在 北 部 , 黑 熊其实长着灰色或白色的毛。 就是在一腔所生的小熊中,都可能混杂棕毛和黑毛。 黑 熊 是 所 有 美 洲 熊 中 最 小 的, 5 6美尺长, 300 500磅重。 它们的眼睛和耳朵都很小,他 们 的 视 力 和 听 觉 不 如 嗅 觉 那 样 好 。 像所有的熊一样

339、,黑熊年小,笨拙,很少具有危险性。 但如果 受到攻击,大部分黑熊会以很快的速度爬上树和奔跑。 当发怒或受惊吓时, 黑 熊 会 成 为 可 怕 的 对 手 。 黑熊以树叶、草 、树 根 、水果、浆果、 昆史、鱼,甚至更大的动物为食。 熊类, 包括黑熊的最有捶的一个特点是他们的冬哌。 与松鼠、 旱獭和其它别的林地动物不同, 熊 并不真正地冬眠。 虽然熊在冬天的几个月中不吃东西,鑫体内脂肪维持生命,但它们的体 温保持正常,并 有 规 律 地 一 分 钟 呼 吸4或5次。除交配季节外,大多教黑熊独自生活。 他 们 喜 欢 住 在 洞 里 、无心的大木头里或茂密的树丛里。 经 过6到9个 月 的 怀 孕

340、 期 后 一 胫1 4个 小 熊 在1月 或2月出生。 它们同母熊住在一起,直到它们完全长大,即1岁半左右。黑 熊 在 野 外 可 以 活 到 长 达3 0年,在专门的保护区中甚至能活得更长。42 Coal-fired Power PlantsThe invention of the incandescent light bulb by Thomas A. Edison in 1879 created ademand for a cheap, readily available fuel with which to generate large amounts ofelectric power

341、. Coal seemed to fit the bill, and it fueled the earliest power stations(which were set up at the end of the nineteenth century by Edison himself). As morepower plants were constructed throughout the country, the reliance on coal increased.Since the First World War, coal-fired power plants have acco

342、unted for about half of theelectricity produced in the United States each year. In 1986 such plants had a combinedgenerating capacity of 289, 000 megawatts and consumed 83 percent of the nearly 900million tons of coal mined in the country that year. Given the uncertainty in the futuregrowth of nucle

343、ar power and in the supply of oil and natural gas, coal-fired powerplants could well provide up to 70 percent of the electric power in the United States bythe end of the century.Yet, in spite of the fact that coal has long been a source of electricity and may remainone for many years (coal represent

344、s about 80 percent of United States fossil-fuelreserves), it has actually never been the most desirable fossil fuel for power plants.Coal contains less energy per unit of weight than natural gas or oil; it is difficult totransport, and it is associated with a host of environmental issues, among them

345、 acidrain. Since the late 1960s problems of emission control and waste disposal havesharply reduced the appeal of coal-fired power plants. The cost of ameliorating theseenvironmental problems along with the rising cost of building a facility as large andcomplex as a coal-fired power plant, have also

346、 made such plants less attractive from apurely economic perspective.Changes in the technological base of coal-fired power plants could restore theirattractiveness, however. Whereas some of these changes are evolutionary and areintended mainly to increase the productivity of existing plants, complete

347、ly newtechnologies for burning coal cleanly are also being developed.火 力 发 电 厂 托 马 斯 爱 迪 生1879年 发 明 的 由 奴 灯 导 致 对 便 宜 、 易 得 、可 生 产 大 量电 能 的 燃 料 的 需 求 。 煤 仞 孑 符 合 这 个 要 求 ,并 成 为 第 一 批 电 厂 的 燃 料 ( 正 是 爱 迪生 本 人 在1 9世 纪 末 建 堂 了 第 一 枇 电 厂 ) 。 全 国 到 处 兴 建 电 厂 时 ,对 煤 的 依 赖 加深 了 。自 第 一 次 世 界 大 战 以 来 , 美 国 每

348、 年 约 有 一 半 的 电 力 是 以 煤 为 燃 料 的 电 厂提 供 的 。1986年 这 些 电 厂 的 总 发 电 能 力 达 到28, 900千 元 并 且 请 耗 了 当 年 全国 开 采 的 九 亿 吨 煤 的8 3 % o考 虑 到 核 能 发 展 以 及 石 油 、天 然 气 供 应 中 的 不 确 定因 素 ,到 本 世 纪 末 ,火 力 发 电 厂 仍 可 能 为 美 国 提 供 多 达7 0 % 的 电 力 。 然 而 ,尽管 煤 长 期 以 来 一 直 是 电 力 的 原 料 之 一 并 只 可 能 会 继 续 如 此 ( 煤 占 美 国 化 石 燃 料 储量 的8

349、0%) ,它 却 不 是 电 厂 的 理 想 燃 料 。煤 的 单 位 能 量 含 量 低 于 石 油 和 天 然 气 ,而 且 会 导 致 包 括 酸 雨 在 内 的 一 系 列 环 境 问 题 。 从1960年 以 来 ,排 放 控 制 和 生坂 处 理 的 问 题 极 大 地 削 弱 了 燃 煤 电 厂 的 魅 力 。 由 于 城 轻 这 些 环 境 问 题 需 要 大 量资 金 ,而 且 建 造 庞 大 复 杂 的 燃 煤 电 厂 的 希 用 不 断 上 涨 ,也 使 得 这 些 电 厂 从 经 济 角度 上 不 具 备 吸 引 力 。 改 变 火 力 发 包 厂 的 基 础 技 术

350、却 可 能 恢 复 它 们 的 吸 引 力 。 虽然某些技术改进是渐进的,其目的只是提高现有电厂 的生产率,但人们正在开发全新的清法燃煤的技术。43 StatisticsThere were two widely divergent influences on the early development of statisticalmethods. Statistics had a mother who was dedicated to keeping orderly records ofgovernmental units (state and statistics come from th

351、e same Latin root status) and agentlemanly gambling father who relied on mathematics to increase his skill at playingthe odds in games of chance. The influence of the mother on the offspring, statistics, isrepresented by counting, measuring, describing, tabulating, ordering, and the taking ofcensuse

352、s all of which led to modern descriptive statistics. From the influence of thefather came modern inferential statistics, which is based squarely on theories ofprobability.Descriptive statistics involves tabulating, depicting and describing collections of data.These data may be quantitative such as m

353、easures of height, intelligence or grade levelvariables that are characterized by an underlying continuum or the data mayrepresent qualitative variables, such as sex, college major or personality type. Largemasses of data must generally undergo a process of summarization or reduction beforethey are

354、comprehensible. Descriptive statistics is a tool for describing or summarizingor reducing to comprehensible form the properties of an otherwise unwieldy mass ofdata.Inferential statistics is a formalized body of methods for solving another class ofproblems that present great difficulties for the una

355、ided human mind. This general classof problems characteristically involve attempts to make predictions using a sample ofobservations. For example, a school superintendent wishes to determine the proportionof children in a large school system who come to school without breakfast, have beenvaccinated

356、for flu, or whatever. Having a little knowledge of statistics, thesuperintendent would know that it is unnecessary and inefficient to question each child:the proportion for the entire district could be estimated fairlyaccurately from a sample of as few as 100 children. Thus, the purpose of inferenti

357、alstatistics is to predict or estimate characteristics of a population from a knowledge ofthe characteristics of only a sample of the population.统计学统计方法的早期发展受到两种截然不同的影响。 统计学有一个 母亲 ,她致力于井井 有 条 地 记 录 政府机构的文件( 国彖和统计学这两个词源于同一个拉丁语词根 ,status) ,还有一个有绅士般 的赌博 父亲 ,他依靠教学来提高赌技,以便在几率的游戏中取胜。 母 亲 对 其子女统计学的影响表现在计数、

358、测量、描述、制 表 、归类和人口普查。 所有这些导致了现代 楮 述 统 计 学 的 诞 生 。 由于 父亲的影响则产生了完全基于概率论原理的现代推理统计 学。 描述统计学涉及对所收集数据的制表、制图和描述。 这些数据可以是数量性的数据, 如嵩度、智商、或者是层级性的数据- 具有连续性的变量- 或数据也可以代表性质变量, 如 性别、大学专业或性格类型等等。数量庞大的数据通帚必须经过概括或删臧的程序才能为 人 所 理 斛 。 描述统计学就是这样一个工具,它对极其庞杂的数据进行描述、概括或删减, 使其变成能为人理解的东西。 推理统计学是一套已定形了的方宏体 系 ,它 斛决的是光凭人脑极难解决的另一类

359、问题。 这类问题的显著特点是试图通过取样调查来作出预测。 例 如 , 有一住教育督察想知道在一个庞大的学校余统中,不吃早饭就上学的学生、已经做过防感冒 免疫的学生,或其它任何类型的学生占多大比例。 若具备一些统计学的知识,这位督察应 明右,询问每个孩子是没有必要而且没有效率的, 只 要 用100个孩子为样本,他 就 可 以 相 当 精 确地得出这些孩子占整个学区的比例了。 因此,推理统计学的目的就是通过了解一个群 体中一些样本的特性,从而对整个群体的特性进行推测和估算。44 Obtaining Fresh Water from IcebergsThe concept of obtaining

360、fresh water from icebergs that are towed to populated areasand arid regions of the world was once treated as a joke more appropriate to cartoonsthan real life. But now it is being considered quite seriously by many nations,especially since scientists have warned that the human race will outgrow its

361、fresh watersupply faster than it runs out of food.Glaciers are a possible source of fresh water that has been overlooked until recently.Three-quarters of the Earths fresh water supply is still tied up in glacial ice, a reservoirof untapped fresh water so immense that it could sustain all the rivers

362、of the world for1,000 years. Floating on the oceans every year are 7,659 trillion metric tons of iceencased in 10,000 icebergs that break away from the polar ice caps, more than ninetypercent of them from Antarctica.Huge glaciers that stretch over the shallow continental shelf give birth to icebergs

363、throughout the year. Icebergs are not like sea ice, which is formed when the sea itselffreezes, rather, they are formed entirely on land, breaking off when glaciers spreadover the sea. As they drift away from the polar region, icebergs sometimes movemysteriously in a direction opposite to the wind,

364、pulled by subsurface currents.Because they melt more slowly than smaller pieces of ice, icebergs have been knownto drift as far north as 35 degrees south of the equator in the Atlantic Ocean. To corralthem and steer them to parts of the world where they are needed would not be toodifficult.The diffi

365、culty arises in other technical matters, such as the prevention of rapid meltingin warmer climates and the funneling of fresh water to shore in great volume. But evenif the icebergs lost half of their volume in towing, the water they could provide wouldbe far cheaper than that produced by desaliniza

366、tion, or removing salt from water.从冰山中获取淡水北冰山拖到世界上人口稠密的地区和干旱地带, 再从中获取淡水, 这个想在曾一度破认为是一个笑话,更适合于卡通画,而非现实生活。 然而现在,许多国家正相当认真地考虑 这件事情,特别是在科学彖们发出警告之后。 科学彖们认为人类将在耗尽极食之南首先耗 尽淡水资源。 冰川是一个直到最近以南一直破忽视的可能的淡水源。 全球四分之三的淡水 还领在冰川的冰块中。 冰川就是一个蓄水池,其中未开发的淡水量是如此巨大,足够支持 全 世 界 的 江 河1000年。 每 年 有7,6 5 9万亿公吨冰漂流在海洋中。 它 们 包 含 在1

367、0, 000座从极地冰帽中断裂出来的冰山中。 这 些 冰 山 的90%以上来自南极。 一年四季里,覆 盖 在 浅 层 大 陆 架上的巨大冰川生成了次多冰山。 冰山和海水的冰不同,后者是海水自身结 冰 形成的,而冰山则完全是在陆地上形成的。 当冰川伸展到诲水中时,冰山就断裂下来。 当 漂离极地地区时, 冰山有时会在底层洋流的推动下颇为神秘地逆风移动。由于冰山比小决 的冰融化要慢, 因此有的冰山在大西洋中向北飘到了赤道以南35的地方。 把冰山蓄栏起 来并拖到世界上需要它们的地方将不会太国难。 有国难的是其它的技术事宜。 比如,如何 防止冰山在较暖的气候中远速融. 化以及如何把大量的淡水收集到岸上去

368、。 但 是 ,即使在拖 的过程中冰山失去了一半体积 ,这样做也远比从海水中脱盐取得淡水便宜。45 The Source of EnergyA summary of the physical and chemical nature of life must begin, not on the Earth,but in the Sun; in fact, at the Suns very center. It is here that is to be found the sourceof the energy that the Sun constantly pours out into spac

369、e as light and heat. This energyis liberated at the center of the Sun as billions upon billions of nuclei of hydrogenatoms collide with each other and fuse together to form nuclei of helium, and in doingso, release some of the energy that is stored in the nuclei of atoms. The output of lightand heat

370、 of the Sun requires that some 600 million tons of hydrogen be converted intohelium in the Sun every second. This the Sun has been doing for several thousands ofmillions of years. The nuclear energy is released at the Suns center as high-energygamma radiation, a form of electromagnetic radiation lik

371、e light and radio waves, onlyof very much shorter wavelength. This gamma radiation is absorbed by atoms insidethe Sun to be reemitted at slightly longer wavelengths. This radiation, in its turn isabsorbed and reemitted. As the energy filters through the layers of the solar interior, itpasses through

372、 the X-ray part of the spectrum eventually becoming light. At this stage,it has reached what we call the solar surface, and can escape into space without beingabsorbed further by solar atoms. A very small fraction of the Suns light and heat isemitted in such directions that after passing unhindered

373、through interplanetary space, ithits the Earth.能量的来源概 说 生 命 的 物 理 和 化 学 特 性 必 须 始 于 太 阳 - 确 切 地 说 ,是 太 阳 的 核 心 , 而 非 地 球 。能 量 来 自 太 阳 的 核 心 。 在 这 里 ,太 阳 不 停 地 以 光 和 热 的 形 式 向 会 间 倾 泻 出 能 量 。数 十 亿 计 的 氢 原 子 核 在 太 阳 的 核 心 碰 撞 并 区 聚 变 生 成 氨 。在 此 过 程 中 一 部 分 原本 储 存 于 原 子 核 中 的 能 量 被 林 放 出 来 。太阳所产生的光和热需要

374、每秒将六亿吨氢转化为氨。 这样的转化在太阳中已经持续几十亿年了。 核能在太阳的核心波释放为嵩能的伽马射线。 这是一种电磁射线, 就象光波和无线电波一样,只是波长要短得多。 这种伽玛射线极大阳内的原子所吸收,然 后重新释放为波长稍长一些的光波。 这新的射线再次次吸 收 ,而后释放。 在 能 量 由 太 阳 内 部 一 层 层 渗 透 出 来 的 过 程 中 ,它经过了光谱中X射 线部分,最后变成了光。 在 此 阶 段 ,能 量 到 达 我 们 所 称 的 太 阳 表 层 ,并JL离散到空间而不再谀太阳原孑所吸收。 只有很小一部分 太阳的光和热由此方向释放出来,并且未破阻挡,穿越星去,来到地球。4

375、6 VisionHuman vision like that of other primates has evolved in an arboreal environment. Inthe dense complex world of a tropical forest, it is more important to see well than todevelop an acute sense of smell. In the course of evolution members of the primate linehave acquired large eyes while the s

376、nout has shrunk to give the eye an unimpeded view.Of mammals only humans and some primates enjoy color vision. The red flag is blackto the bull. Horses live in a monochrome world. Light visible to human eyes howeveroccupies only a very narrow band in the whole electromagnetic spectrum. Ultravioletra

377、ys are invisible to humans though ants and honeybees are sensitive to them. Humanshave no direct perception of infrared rays unlike the rattlesnake which has receptorstuned into wavelengths longer than 0.7 micron. The world would look eerily differentif human eyes were sensitive to infrared radiatio

378、n. Then instead of the darkness ofnight, we would be able to move easily in a strange shadowless world where objectsglowed with varying degrees of intensity. But human eyes excel in other ways. Theyare in fact remarkably discerning in color gradation. The color sensitivity of normalhuman vision is r

379、arely surpassed even by sophisticated technical devices.视觉人类的视觉,和其它灵长目动物的一样,是在丛林环境中进化出来的。 在 稠 密 、复 杂 的 热 带 丛 林 里 ,好的视觉比灵敏的嗅觉更加重要。 在进化过程中, 灵长目动物的眼暗变大,同时鼻子变小以使视野不受阻碍。 在嘀乳类动物中,只有人和一些灵长目动物能够分辨颜 色。 红旗在公牛看来是黑色的,马则生活在一个单色的世界里。 然彷,人眼可见的光在整个光谱中只占一个非常狭窄的频段。人是看不到紫外线的,尽管蚂蚁和蜜蜂可以感觉到。与 响尾蛇不同,人也不能直接感受到红外线。 响 尾 蛇 的

380、感 觉 器 可 以 感 受 波 长 超 过0 .7微米的 光线。 如果人能感受到红外线的话,这世界看上去将十分不同,而JL恐怖。 到那时,将与 47 Folk CulturesA folk culture is a small isolated, cohesive, conservative, nearly self-sufficient groupthat is homogeneous in custom and race with a strong family or clan structure andhighly developed rituals. Order is maintain

381、ed through sanctions based in the religion orfamily and interpersonalrelationships are strong. Tradition is paramount, and change comes infrequently andslowly. There is relatively little division of labor into specialized duties. Rather, eachperson is expected to perform a great variety of tasks, th

382、ough duties may differbetween the sexes. Most goods are handmade and subsistence economy prevails.Individualism is weakly developed in folk cultures as are social classes. Unaltered folkcultures no longer exist in industrialized countries such as the United States andCanada. Perhaps the nearest mode

383、rn equivalent in Anglo America is the Amish, aGerman American farming sect that largely renounces the products and labor savingdevices of the industrial age. In Amish areas, horse drawn buggies still serve as a localtransportation device and the faithful are not permitted to own automobiles. TheAmis

384、hs central religious concept of Demut humility, clearly reflects the weakness ofindividualism and social class so typical of folk cultures and there is a correspondingstrength of Amish group identity. Rarely do the Amish marry outside their sect. Thereligion, a variety of the Mennonite faith, provid

385、es the principal mechanism formaintaining orders.By contrast a popular culture is a large heterogeneous group often highlyindividualistic and constantly changing. Relationships tend to be impersonal and apronounced division of labor exists, leading to the establishment of many specializedprofessions

386、. Secular institutions of control such as the police and army take the placeof religion and family in maintaining order, and a money-based economy prevails.Because of these contrasts, popular may be viewed as clearly different from folk.The popular is replacing the folk in industrialized countries a

387、nd in many developingnations. Folk-made objects give way to their popular equivalent, usually because thepopular item is more quickly or cheaply produced, is easier or time saving to use orleads more prestige to the owner.先 间 文 化 先 间 文 化 是 小 型 的 、孤 立 的 、 紧 密 的 、保 守 的 、 近 于 自 给 自 足 的 群 体 ,具 有 同 样 的 习

388、 俗 、 同 样 的 人 种 和 强 有 力 的 彖 庭 或 部 族 结 构 以 及 高 度 发 展 的 宗 教 仪式。 秩序由宗教 或彖庭的约束来维持,成员间的关余非帚紧密,传统至高无上,很少有变动只变动缓慢。 劳 动 专 业 分 工 相 对 较 少 。 每个人都要做各类活计,尽管男女两性分工不同。 绝大多数物品是 手工制造的, 经济一般为自给自足型。个人主义和社会阶层在民河文化群体中的发展十分薄弱。 在象美国和加拿大这样的工业化国彖里,一成不变的民同文化群体已不复存在了。在 当代美洲的英语区,与 民间文化最相仞的群体也许算是Amish。Amish是美国的德裔农耕 部 落 ,他们基本上拒绝接

389、受工业时代的大多数产品和节酒手力的设施。 在 Amish地区,轻 便 马 车 仍 是 当 地 的 交 通 工 具 ,信徒们不允许拥有沌车。Amish京教中的核心观念 Demut即 谦卑典型地反映了在先间文化群中个人主义和阶级的不发达 。彷与此同时,Amish对 群 体 的 认 同 性 却 十 分 强 。Amish 人很少和他们宗派以外的人通婚。 其余教,作为 Mennonite信 仰的一种, 提供了维护秩序的主要机制。相反, 大衣文化是包含不同种族的大群体, 通常 嵩度个性化而JL不断在变化。 人际关余冷淡,劳动分工明确,由此产生了许多专门的朋业。 世俗的控制机构,比如警察和军队,取代了宗教和

390、彖庭来维持秩序,而且实行的是货币经济。 由于存在着这些差异, 大众的 与 先间的 可谓大相彼庭。 在工业化国彖以及许多发展中 国彖里,大众文化正在取代先河文化。 民间制造的物品正让位于大灰化产品,这 通 常 是 因为大灰化的物品制造起来更快、更便宜,用起来更叁易、更方便或者是 能 给 其 所 有 者 带 来 更 多 的 威 望 。48 BacteriaBacteria are extremely small living things. While we measure our own sizes in inchesor centimeters, bacterial size is measu

391、red in microns. One micron is a thousandth of amillimeter: a pinhead is about a millimeter across. Rod-shaped bacteria are usuallyfrom two to four microns long, while rounded ones are generally one micron indiameter. Thus if you enlarged a rounded bacterium a thousand times, it would be justabout th

392、e size of a pinhead. An adult human magnified by the same amount would beover a mile (1.6 kilometers) tall.Even with an ordinary microscope, you must look closely to see bacteria. Using amagnification of 100 times, one finds that bacteria are barely visible as tiny rods ordots. One cannot make out a

393、nything of their structure. Using special stains, one can seethat some bacteria have attached to them wavy-looking hairs called flagella. Othershave only one flagellum. The flagella rotate, pushing the bacteria through the water.Many bacteria lack flagella and cannot move about by their own power, w

394、hile otherscan glide along over surfaces by some little-understood mechanism.From the bacterial point of view, the world is a very different place from what it is tohumans. To a bacterium water is as thick as molasses is to us. Bacteria are so small thatthey are influenced by the movements of the ch

395、emical molecules around them.Bacteria under the microscope, even those with no flagella, often bounce about in thewater. This is because they collide with the water molecules and are pushed this wayand that. Molecules move so rapidly that within a tenth of a second the moleculesaround a bacterium ha

396、ve all been replaced by new ones; even bacteria without flagellaare thus constantly exposed to a changing environment.细菌细菌是极其微小的生物体。 我们用英寸或厘米来测量自己的大小,而测量细菌 却 要 用 微 米 。 一微米等于千分之一亳来。 针头直往大约一亳米。 棒状细菌通 常 有24微 米 长 ,而 圆 形 细 菌 的 直 检 一 般 只 有1微米。 因此,即使你把一个 圆 形 细 菌 放 大1000僖 ,它 也 不 过 一 个 针 头 那 么 大 。 可是如果把一个成年人

397、放 大1000僖 ,就 会 变 成1英 里 ( 或1.6公 里 ) 多 嵩 。 用一般的显微镜观察细菌时,你必须仔细观察才能看见它们。 使 用100僖 的 显 微 镜 时 ,你会发现细菌不过是隐约可见的小细棒或小点点,而它们的结构你却根本看不出来。 使 用 特 殊的着色剂后,你会发现有的细菌上长着不少波状的 毛发 即鞭毛,彷有的细菌只有 一 根 鞭 毛 。 鞭, 毛的旋转可以推动细菌在水中行进。 不少细菌没有鞭毛,因而不能自己行进。 还有些细菌却能通过某些稣为人知的机制沿物体表面滑动。 我们所熟知的世界在细菌眼中 完全是另一个样子。 对于细菌来说,水就同糖浆之于人类一样稠密。 细菌是如此的微小

398、, 周围化学分子的一举1一动都会对它们产生影响。 在显微钱下,细菌,卷 至 包 括 那 些 没 有 鞭 毛 的 细 菌 ,经常在水中跳来跳去。 这是因为它们与小分子相撞后,被弹向各个方向。 分子 移动很迅速,仅0 .1秒之隔,一个细菌周围的分子就会完全更新。 因此,即使是没有鞭. 毛 的细菌也暴露在一个不断变化的环境中。49 SleepSleep is part of a persons daily activity cycle. There are several different stages ofsleep, and they too occur in cycles. If you a

399、re an average sleeper, your sleep cycle is asfollows. When youfirst drift off into slumber, your eyes will roll about a bit, your temperature will dropslightly, your muscles will relax, and your breathing well slow and become quiteregular. Your brain waves slow down a bit too, with the alpha rhythm

400、of rather fastwaves predominating for the first few minutes. This is called stage 1 sleep. For the nexthalf hour or so, as you relax more and more, you will drift down through stage 2 andstage 3 sleep. The lower your stage of sleep, the slower your brain waves will be. Thenabout 40 to 60 minutes aft

401、er you lose consciousness you will have reached the deepestsleep of all. Your brain waves will show the large slow waves that are known as thedelta rhythm. This is stage 4 sleep.You do not remain at this deep fourth stage all night long, but instead about 80 minutesafter you fall into slumber, your

402、brain activity level will increase again slightly. Thedelta rhythm will disappear, to be replaced by the activity pattern of brain waves. Youreyes will begin to dart around under your closed eyelids as if you were looking atsomething occurring in front of you. This period of rapid eye movement lasts

403、 for some8 to 15 minutes and is called REM sleep. It is during REM sleep period, your body willsoon relax again, your breathing will grow slow and regular once more, and you willslip gently back from stage 1 to stage 4 sleep - only to rise once again to the surface ofnear consciousness some 80 minut

404、es later.睡股睡眠是人每天日常活动循环的一部分。 人的睡眠分几个阶段,而这些阶段也是循环发 生的。 如果你是一个正常的睡眠者,你的滕眼循环会这样进行。 在你开始争客人滕时,你 的眼睛会滚动几下,体温略有下降,肌肉放松,呼吸变得缓慢而有节奏。 除 了 开 始 几 分 钟 比 较 快 的a节奏外,脑电波也稍有减缓。 这被称为第一阶段藤联。 在随后约半小时内, 你 进 一 步 放 松 , 进入第二和第三阶段藤月氏。 鹿眠越深入,脑电波就越缓慢。 大 约 在 开 始 睡 厥 后 的4 0到6 0分钟,你将进入沉睡状态。 这时的脑电波表现为巨大的缓波,次 称 为b节奏。 这就是第四阶段睡哌。 但

405、你并不是整在都保持这种沉睡状忠。 人 瘫 后 约8 0分钟左右,你 的大脑运动水平会再度略有提高。5节奏请失, 并谀脑电波的运动图形取代。 你的眼睛会在闭着的眼脸下更. 速转动,就好象你在看着眼前发生的什么事情。 这种更 . 速 的 服 球 运 动 持 续 约8 1 5分钟,这一阶段甦厥次称之为快速眼动(REM)腥哌 。 在REM 睡眠阶段,你 的 肢 体 会 很 快 再 度 放 松 ,呼吸也再次放慢并变得有节奏,你会轻松地从第一阶段滑入第四阶段甦 叫 - 直 到 大 约8 0分钟后重新接近请醒状态。50 Cells and TemperatureCells cannot remain ali

406、ve outside certain limits of temperature, and much narrowerlimits mark the boundaries of effective functioning. Enzyme systems of mammals andbirds are most efficient only within a narrow range around 37 ; a departure of a fewdegrees from this value seriously impairs their functioning. Even though ce

407、lls cansurvive wider fluctuations, the integrated actions of bodily systems are impaired. Otheranimals have a wider tolerance for changes of bodily temperature. For centuries it hasbeen recognized that mammals and birds differ from other animals in the way theyregulate body temperature. Ways of char

408、acterizing the difference have become moreaccurate and meaningful over time, but popular terminology still reflects the olddivision into warm blooded and cold blooded species; warm-blooded includedmammals and birds whereas all other creatures were considered cold-blooded. As morespecies were studied

409、, it became evident that this classification was inadequate. A fencelizard or adesert iguana each cold-blooded usually has a body temperature only a degree ortwo below that of humans and so is not cold. Therefore the next distinction was madebetween animals that maintain a constant body temperature,

410、 called homeotherms, andthose whose body temperature varies with their environment, called poikilotherms. Butthis classification also proved inadequate, because among mammals there are manythat vary their body temperatures during hibernation. Furthermore, many invertebratesthat live in the depths of

411、 the ocean never experience a change in the chill of the deepwater, and their body temperatures remain constant.细 胞 与 温 度 细 胞 只 能 在 一 定 的 温 度 范 围 内 存 活 , 而 进 一 步 保 证 它 们 有 效 工 作 的 温度 范 围 就 更 小 了 。哺 乳 动 物 和 鸟 类 的 酶 余 统 只 能 在37左 右 的 很 小 范 围 内 才 能 有 效 工 作 。与此相差 仅 几 度 的 温 度 都 会 大 大 削 弱 它 们 的 工 作 效 率 。尽

412、管 温 度 变 化 更 大 时 细 胞 仍 能存 活 ,但 机 体 余 统 的 整 体 运 行 能 力 却 被 削 弱 了 。 其 它 动 物 对 体 温 的 变 化 有 更 强的 适 应 性 。几 个 世 纪 以 来 ,人 们 就 认 识 到 嘀 乳 动 物 和 鸟 类 调 节 体 温 的 方 式 与 其它 动 物 不 同 。随 着 时 间 的 推 移 ,人 们 对 这 种 差 异 的 描 述 越 来 越 精 确 和 有 意 义 ,但 是 暖 血 动 物 和 冷 血 动 物 ” 这 一 古 老 的 分 类 方 式 至 今 仍 在 大 众 词 汇 中 有 所 反映 。 骏 血 动 物 包 括

413、嘀 乳 动 物 和 鸟 类 ,其 它 动 物 统 统 夜 视 为 冷 血 动 物 。 但 是 对 更多 物 种 进 行 的 研 究 表 明 这 种 分 类 显 然 是 不 适 当 的 。 美 洲 一 种 小 型 蜥 蜴 和 沙 谟 鬣 蜥同 属 冷 血 动 物 ,但 实 际 上 它 们 的 体 温 通 常 只 比 人 类 的 体 温 低1 2度 ,因此并不是 真 正 的 冷 血 。 因 此 又 出 现 了 恒 温 动 物 ( 即 保 持 恒 定 体 温 的 动 物 ) 和 变 温 动 物 ( 即体温 随 外 界 环 境 的 变 化 而 改 变 的 动 物 ) 这 一 区 分 方 式 。 但 这

414、 种 分 类 也 不 恰 当 。 因为 有 不 少 哺 乳 动 物 在 冬 眠 期 间 会 改 变 体 温 , 而 许 多 生 活 在 深 诲 的 无 春 推 动 物 在 家冷 的 深 海 水 域 中 体 温 并 不 变 化 , 而 是 恒 定 的 。51 Marine MammalsSince there is such an abundance of food in the sea, it is understandable that some ofthe efficient, highly adaptable, warm-blooded mammals that evolved on l

415、and shouldhave returned to the sea. Those that did have flourished. Within about 50 million yearsno time at all, geologically speaking one of the four kinds of mammals that hasreturned to a marine environment has developed into the largest of all animal forms,the whale. A second kind, the seal, has

416、produced what is probably the greatestpopulation of large carnivorous mammals on Earth.This suggests that these top dogs of the ocean are prospering and multiplying.However, such has not been the case, at least not for the last 150 years. Trouble hasclosed in on these mammals in the form of equally

417、warm-blooded and even moreefficient and adaptable predators, humans. At sea, as on land, humans have nowpositioned themselves on the top of the whole great pyramid of life, and they havecaused serious problems for the mammals of the sea. There is a simple reason for this.Marine mammals have the misf

418、ortune to be swimming aggregates of commodities thathumans want: fur, oil and meat. Even so, they might not be so vulnerable to humandepredation if they did not, like humans, reproduce so slowly. Every year humans takemore than 50 million tons of fish from the oceans without critically depleting the

419、population of any species. But the slow-breeding mammals of the sea have been all butwiped out by humans seeking to satisfy their wants and whims.海洋嘀乳动物既然海洋中有如此 丰富的食物,一些原本在陆地生存的嵩效率的,适应性强的暖血型动物返回诲洋生存是不唯理解的。 那些已经返回海洋的哺乳动物种族繁条。 在大约5千 万 年 间 ( 这在地质学上不过是弹指一挥间) ,返 回 海 洋 的4种浦乳动物之一的鲸已成为体积最庞大 的动物。 而另一种嘀乳动物诲豹,

420、它的数量恐怕是地球上大型食内哺乳动物中最大的。 这 仞手表明这些海洋中的 大哥大 们人丁兴旺,一派繁荣景象。但 至 少 在 近150年以来,事实 并非如此。 同样是籁血动物而且效率更嵩、适应性更强的捕食者,人 类 ,成为这些嘀乳动物的日益过近的成胁 。 在陆地和海洋,人类都已处在巨大的生物金字塔的最顶端,成为所 有生物的主宰, 并给诲泽嘀乳动物带来巨大的危胁。 原因很简单。 这些嘀乳动物不幸成 为 人 类 所 需 要 的 一 堆 游 动 着 的 商 品 ,如 皮 毛 、 油 和 由 。 尽 管 如 此 ,如果它们不 象 人 类 一 样 繁 琏 如 此 缓 慢 , 它 们 对 人 类 的 掠 冬

421、 也 不 会 如 此 无 能 为 力 。每 年 人类 从 诲 泽 中 捕 捞 约5千 万 吨 的 鱼 类 ,但 这 并 未 导 致 任 何 鱼 种 的 天 绝 。 但 繁 琏 缓慢 的 诲 洋 哺 孔 动 物 却 因 为 有 了 一 心 只 想 满 足 一 己 私 欲 的 人 类 而 濒 临 。52 ChimpanzeeThe most striking single fact about chimpanzees is the flexibility of their social life, thelack of any rigid form of organization. It repr

422、esents about as far a departure from thebaboon type of organization as one can find among the higher primates, and serves toemphasize the great variety of primate adaptations. Chimpanzees are more human thanbaboons, or rather they jibe better with the way we like to picture ourselves, asfree-wheelin

423、g individuals who tend to be unpredictable, do not take readily to any formof regimentation, and are frequently charming.(Charm is relatively rare among baboons.) Two researchers have described what theyfound during more than eight months spent among chimpanzees in their natural habitatthe forest: W

424、e were quite surprised to observe that there is no single distinct social unitin chimpanzee society. Not only is there no family or harem organization; neither isthere a troop organization - that is to say, no particular chimpanzees keep permanentlytogether. On the contrary, individuals move about a

425、t will, alone or in small groups bestdescribed as bands, which sometimes form into large aggregations.They leave their associates if they want to, and join up with new ones without conflict. The general practice is best described as easy come, easy go, although there arecertain group-forming tendenc

426、ies. As a rule chimpanzees move about in one of fourtypes of band: adult males only; mothers and offspring and occasionally a few otherfemales; adults and adolescents of both sexes, but no mothers with young andrepresentatives of all categories mixed together. The composition of bands may changea nu

427、mber of times during the course of a day as individuals wander off and groups splitor combine with other groups. On the other hand, certain individuals prefer oneanothers company. One of the researchers observed that four males often roamedtogether over a four-month period, and mothers often associa

428、ted with their olderoffsprings.黑猩猩黑猩猩最突出的一个特征是它们社会生活的灵活性,即缺乏固定的组织形式。 它的这一特征与狒狒的那种组织形 态间的差别,在灵长动物中最为突出。由此可见 灵 长 类 动物中适应性变化的多样性。黑猩猩比狒狒更接近人类,或者说它与我 们 心 愿 的 自 我 形 象 更 为 接 近 :自由自在,不落窠臼,不喜欢任何形式的约束并且往往魅力十足( 在狒狒中魅力比较罕 见) 。 通过在黑猩猩的自然栖息地森林中对它们进行了 8个月的观察,两名研究人员得出这样结论: 我们注意到在黑猩猩的社会中似乎没有任何一种独立的社会基本单位,这 一 点 令 我 们

429、 很 吃 惊 。 它们不便没有 彖庭 或 妻宴 组织,也没有 团队 组织,也就是说黑猩猩没有固 定地生活在一起。 相反,每只黑猩猩随意流动,或是独自一人, 或 是 作 为 最 好 称 之 为 团 伙 的 一 员 。团伙有时会与其它团伙合并成大的聚合 体 。 它们可以随意离开同伴,并与其它黑猩猩组成新的团伙而不会产生任何纠纷。 把黑猩猩这一总的特性称之为 来得参易去得快”是最恰当不过了。 但它们也有一定的群体倾向性。 通常,黑 猩 猩 群 的 构 成 有 以 下4种:伍 有 成 年 雄 性 ;母猩猩及其子女而且偶东有几只其它的雌性猩猩; 雄性和雌性的成年和未成 年黑猩猩但不包括有子女的雌性黑猩猩

430、; 以及各种类型混杂在一起。 一天之中一个团伙的 组成可能变化好几次,因为有的成员可能常开,而且群体可能会与其它群体合并。 另 一 方 面 ,有些黑猩猩有自己喜欢的伙伴。 一名研究人员发现四只雄 性 黑 猩 猩 在4个月中常常共 同游荡,还有母亲们常与她们较年长的子女们在一起。 53 NitinolNitinol is one of the most extraordinary metals to be discovered this century: A simplealloy of nickel and titanium, nitinol has some perplexing prope

431、rties. A metal with amemory, it can be made to remember any shape into which it is fashioned, returning tothat shape whenever it is heated.For example, a piece of nitinol wire bent to form a circle that is then heated andquenched will remember this shape. It may then be bent or crumpled, but on rehe

432、ating,will violently untwist, reforming its original shape. This remarkable ability is calledShape Memory Effect(SME); other alloys, such as brasses, are known to possess it to a limited extent. Noone fully understands SME, and nitinol remains particularly perplexing, for, wheneverit performs this p

433、eculiar feat, it appears to be breaking the laws of thermodynamics byspringing back into shape with greater force than was used to deform it in the firstplace.But not only is nitinol capable of remembering, it also has the ability to learn. If theheating-cooling-crumpling-reheating process is carrie

434、d out sufficiently often, and themetal is always crumpled in exactly the same way, the nitinol will not only rememberits original shape, but gradually it learns to remember its crumpled form as well, andwill begin to return to the same crumpled shape every time it is cooled. Eventually, themetal wil

435、l crumple and uncrumple, totally unaided, in response to changes intemperature and without any sign of metal fatigue. Engineers have produced prototypeengines that are driven by the force of nitinol springing from one shape to another as italternately encounters hot and cold water. The energy from t

436、hese remarkable engines is,however, not entirely free: heat energy is required to produce the temperaturedifferences needed to run the engine. But the optimum temperatures at which the metalreacts can be controlled by altering the proportions of nickel to titanium; some alloyswill even perform at ro

437、om temperature. The necessary temperature range between thewarm and thecold can be as little as twelve degrees centigrade.银铁合金银铁诺是这个世纪所发现的最不寻常的金属之一,作为镁和钱的简单的一种合 金 ,银铁诺具有一些令人惊叹的特征。 这是一种有记忆力的金属,人们可 以 使 它 记 住 它 板 塑 成 的 任 何 形 状 ,并在加热后恢复这一形状。 比如,一节银钦 诺 线 圈 在 加 热 冷 却 后 会 记 住 圆 圈 这 形 状 。随后它可能破夸折成其它形状,但一旦再次

438、加热,就会退. 速地自动恢复成最初的圆圈状。 这种不寻常的能力破称为形状记忆效果(SME)。 其它一些合金如黄铜在一定程度上也具有这种特性。目前人们对SM E这一特性尚缺乏透彻的认识,而银钦 诺 尤 其 使 人 惊 奇 ,因为每当它展现这一惊人的功能时,仞手都造背了热力学原理。因为它在恢复原有形状时所释放的力比人们使它变形所施加的力大得多。钱钛诺不仇有记忆力,还能” 学习 o 如果加热- 冷却- 弯曲- 再加热这一过程重复一定次数,区每次冷却后它都被丝亳不差地夸 成同一形状,它不仅可以记住最初的形状,还能逐渐记住它被夸成的形 状 , 并 开始在每次 冷 却 时 恢 复 这 一 形 状 。 最

439、终 ,它会自动地随温度变化而夸曲和恢复这些形状,并 且 没 有 任 何 疲 劳 迹 象 。 工程师们己制造出一些发动机样机 , 利用银钛合金在交替送热水和冷水时迅速 改变形状所产生的力做推动力。然而这些神奇的发动机工作时并非完全不耗能, 因为必须有热能来制造温差才能使机器运转。但人们可以通过改变合金中银铁的比例来控制使它反应的最佳温度。有的集铁合金卷至能在室温下做出反应,冷 援 之 间 的 最 小 温 差 只 有12o54 Treasure in Sunken ShipsOf the tens of thousands of ships on the ocean bottom, only a

440、handful, less than 1percent, contain negotiable treasure, such as gold and jewels. Most give us a differentpriceless treasurehistory. A sunken ship lies in trust, preserved in the airless environment of the seaand those in deep water are especially well protected. No dry land sites anywhere except p

441、erhaps Egyptian tombs are in a better state of preservation than a vessel deepin the ocean. A sunken ship, therefore, can be a rare window through which a momentin time is glimpsed.This is not to imply that sunken ships are always found intact. Most ships break up onthe way down, hit the bottom at a

442、bout 100 miles per hour, and become a chaotic,confusing jumble. I recall the chagrin of a novice diver who, after surfacing from anunderwater tour of a 400-foot ship, asked his diving buddy, Where was the wreck? Ittakes experience to actually know a sunken ship when one sees it. But no matter whatit

443、s condition on the way down, a ship deteriorates much more slowly as it sinks deeperinto protective layers of sand and mud. Ancient vessels have been found in remarkablygood condition. In 1977 a group of marine archaeologists excavating a 900-year-oldwreck recovered engraved glassware. Greek coins,

444、bronze kettles, and amazingly,Greek jars containing seeds, almonds, and lentils even a plate with chicken bones.沉船中的宝藏 在数以万计的诲底沉船中,只有极少数,不到百分之一的沉船上有可流 通的财富,如黄金和珠宝。 多数沉船提供给我们的是另一种无价的财富-历 史 。 沉 船破海 婵 中 没 有 全 专 的 环 境 保 管 起 来 ,躺在深水中的船只被保存得尤其完好。 大 概 除 了 埃 及 金 字 珞 外 ,陆地上没有哪些遗迹比深海沉船保存得更完好了。 因此,每一只沉船便成为我们探

445、视历史的一扇难得的窗户。 但这并不是说沉船破发现时都完好无损。 大 多 数 船 只 在 下 沉 过 程 中 就 已 破 碎 ,并以每小时100英里的速度捶击诲底, 因此成为乱糟糟的一团。 我至今仍 记得一位潜水新手 专 访 一 艘4 0 0英尺长的诲底沉船后浮出水面时的懊表神情。他 问 他 的 潜 水 伙伴 :” 沉船在哪儿? ”看到沉船时能知道这是一只沉船是需要经验的。 但不管船在下 沉 时 状 况 如 何 ,当它下沉到诲底具有保护作用的泥沙层后,船体的石烂速度比在陆地上要慢得多。 人们曾在诲底发现过保存异常完好的古船。1977年,一群海 洋 考 古 学彖们在发掘一只有9 0 0年历史的沉船

446、时,找到了雕花玻璃器皿、希腊硬 币 、青铜水壶,并令人吃惊地发现一些盛有种孑、杏仁和扁豆等东西的希腊罐子,甚至找到一个盛有鸡骨的盘子。55 Creating ColorsThere are two ways to create colors in a photograph. One method, called additive,starts with three basic colors and adds them together to produce some other colors. Thesecond method, called subtractive, starts with

447、white light (a mixture of all colors in thespectrum) and by taking away some or all other colors leaves the one desired.In the additive method separate colored lights are combined to produce various othercolors. The three additive primary colors are green, red and blue (each proportions,about one th

448、ird of the wavelengths in the total spectrum). Mixed in varying proportions,they can produce all colors. Green and red light mix to produce yellow, red and bluelight mix to produce magenta, green and blue mix to produce cyan. When equal partsof all three of these primary colored beams of light overl

449、ap, the mixture appears whiteto the eye.In the subtractive process, colors are produced when dye (as in paint or colorphotographic materials) absorbs some wavelengths and so passes on only part of thespectrum. The subtractive primaries are cyan (a blulish green), magenta (a purplishpink), and yellow

450、; these are the pigments or dyes that absorb red, green and bluewavelengths, respectively, thus subtracting them from white light. These dye colors arethe complementary colors to the three additive primaries of red, green and blue.Properly combined, the subtractive primaries can absorb all colors of

451、 light, producingblack. But, mixed in varying proportions they too can produce any color in thespectrum.Whether a particular color is obtained by adding colored lights together or bysubtracting some light from the total spectrum, the result looks the same to the eye.The additive process was employed

452、 for early color photography. But the subtractivemethod, while requiring complex chemical techniques, has turned out to be morepractical and is the basis of all modern color films.创受颜色有两种方头可以使照片具有色彩。 一种叫加色法,通过把三种基本颜色相 叠 加 以 产 生 其 它 色 彩 。 另一种叫减色法,通过去除右色( 其实是光谱中所有颜色 相 混 合 的 结 果 ) 中 的 某 些 或 其 它 所 有 色 彩

453、 而 把 所 需 的 色 彩 密 下 来 。 在加色法中,不 同 颜 色 的 光线混合以产生其它各种色彩。 加色族三原色是绿、红和蓝( 其中每一种占据总光谱中三分之一的波长) 。 这三种色彩以不同比例相叠加可以产生所有色彩。 绿光和红光叠加可产生黄色,红 光 与 蓝 光 叠 加 可 产 生 品 红 色 ,绿光与蓝光叠加可产生青绿色。 当这三种原色光以相同比例叠加时, 眼睛所见的就成为白色。 而在减色袋中, 染料( 比如在绘画颜料或彤色照构材料中) 吸 收 了 部分波长而只允许分光谱通过,从而产生各种色彩。 减色东三原色是青绿色、品红( 略带紫 色的粉红色) 和 黄 色 ; 也就是可分别吸收红光

454、、绿光和蓝光的色料或染料 ,从而去除右色光 中的这些色彩。这些染料色是加色法的三原色红、绿 、蓝的相互补充。 适当组合时, 减色 东三原色能吸收光线中的所有色彩, 产生黑色。但当它们以不同的比例叠加时,也能产生 光谱中所有颜色。 不论某种颜色是通过杷不同色彩的光线叠加还是把光谱中某些颜色的光去除掉而产生的, 它的视觉效果是一样的。 早期彩色摄影采用加色头。 但 残 色 法 尽 管 需 要 复 杂 的 化 学 技 术 ,最终比前者更加实用,并成为现代形色电影的基础。56 The Organic FoodsAre organically grown foods the best food choi

455、ces? The advantages claimed for suchfoods over conventionally grown and marketed food products are now being debated.Advocates of organic foods a term whose meaning varies greatly frequentlyproclaim that such products are safer and more nutritious than others.The growing interest of consumers in the

456、 safety and nutritional quality of the typicalNorth American diet is a welcome development. However, much of this interest hasbeen sparked by sweeping claims that the food supply is unsafe or inadequate inmeeting nutritional needs. Although most of these claims are not supported byscientific evidenc

457、e, the preponderance of written material advancing such claimsmakes it difficult for the general public to separate fact from fiction. As a result, claimsthat eating a diet consisting entirely of organically grown foods prevents or curesdisease or provides other benefits to health have become widely

458、 publicized and formthe basis for folklore.Almost daily the public is besieged by claims for no-aging diets, new vitamins andother wonder foods. There are numerous unsubstantiated reports that natural vitaminsare superior to synthetic ones, that fertilized eggs are nutritionally superior tounfertili

459、zed eggs, that untreated grains are better than fumigated grains and the like.One thing that most organically grown food products seem to have in common is thatthey cost more than conventionally grown foods. But in many cases consumers aremisled if they believe organic foods can maintain health and

460、provide better nutritionalquality than conventionally grown foods. So there is real cause for concern ifconsumers particularly those with limited incomes, distrust the regular food supply andbuy only expensive organic foods instead.绿色食品绿色食品是最佳食物吗? 有人认为绿色食品比通过常规方式生产和销售的 食 品 有 更 多 的 优 越 性 ,然而现在却有人对此提出

461、异议。 绿色食品- 这一词的用法非常不统一一支持者往往声称绿色食品比其它食品更安全,营养价值更高。北美的请费者们越来越关注 他 们 的Q常饮食是否安全和有营养。 这一发展趋势是好的。 然而这种关注多半是由一些武断的说绘引起的,即食物供应不安全或不能提供足够的营养。 尽 管 这 些 说 族 多 数 未 被 科 学 证 实 ,但是由于大量文章文持这一观点,使得普通群乐难辨真伪。因此那些认为只食用绿色食品就能防治疾病或增进健康的观点便广为人知,并导致一些不科学的做法和习惯。 公 众 几乎每天都破 抗衰老 食品、新型维生素以及其它具有神奇功效的食物广告所包围。 称天然维生素优于人爱维生素,受精蛋比未受

462、精蛋的营养价值更高,未经矍蒸消等处理的谷物比经过处理的好等等诸如此类的报道屡见不善, 但没有一篇是经过证实的。 大 多 数 绿 色 食 品 有 一 共 同 点 ,即它们的价格高于以常规方式种植的食物。 但在许多情况下,如果请去 者认为绿色食品能预防疾病且营养价值嵩于以 常 规 方 式 生 产 的 食 品 ,那 么 他 们 次 误 导 了 。如 果 消 费 者 们 ,尤 其 是 那 些 收 入 有F艮 的 消 希 者 们 , 怀 疑 传 统 食 品 而 只 购 买 更 昂 贵 的 绿 色 食 品 , 那 就 值 得 担 忧 了 。57 LighthousesThe first navigatio

463、nal lights in the New World were probably lanterns hung at harborentrances. The first lighthouse was put up by the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1716 onLittle Brewster Island at the entrance to Boston Harbor. Paid for and maintained bylight dues levied on ships, the original beacon was blown up in 177

464、6. By then therewere only a dozen or so true lighthouses in the colonies. Little over a century later,there were 700 lighthouses.The first light erected on the West Coast in the 1850s featured the same basic NewEngland design: a Cape Cod dwelling with the tower rising from the center or standingclos

465、e by. In New England and elsewhere, though, lighthouses reflected a variety ofarchitectural styles. Since most stations in the Northeast were built on rocky eminences,enormous towers were not the rule. Some were made of stone and brick, others ofwood or metal. Some stood on pilings or stilts; some w

466、ere fastened to rock with ironrods. Farther south, from Maryland through the Florida Keys, the coast was low andsandy. It was often necessary to build tall towers there - massive structures like themajestic Cape Hatteras, North Carolina, lighthouse, which was lit in 1870. At 190 feet,it is the talle

467、st brick lighthouse in the country.Notwithstanding differences in appearance and construction, most Americanlighthouses shared several features: a light, living quarters and sometimes a bell (orlater, a foghorn).They also had something else in common: a keeper and, usually, thekeepers family. The ke

468、epers essential task was trimming the lantern wick in order tomaintain a steady, bright flame. The earliest keepers came from every walk of life -they were seamen, farmers, mechanics, rough mill hands - and appointments wereoften handed out by local customs commissioners as political plums. After th

469、eadministration of lighthouses was taken over in 1852 by the United States LighthouseBoard, an agency of the Treasury Department, the keeper corps gradually becamehighly professional.灯塔在新大陆上,最初的航标灯要算那些挂在港湾人口的提灯了吧。 最初的灯塔是1716年由马萨诸塞湾琏氏地在波士顿港人口一个叫小布罗斯特的岛上建起的。这最初的灯 珞是通过向船只征收 买光钱 来维椅运作的, 于1776年谀炸毁。 那时,在各

470、琏先地,真正 的灯塔伍有十几个。 但过了一个世纪多一点,灯塔就增至七百多个了。1850年,在西部沿诲建起的首座灯塔基本上沿袭了新英格兰灯塔的设计方案, 即那种中心或周围升起塔楼的典型的哥德角式房子。 新英格兰与其它一些地方的灯塔在建筑风格上是多样化的。 在 东 北 部 ,灯塔大都建在石质的高地上,因此珞身不需要太嵩。 它们有砖石结构的; 也有木材或金属结构的,有的灯塔建在支架上,有的则用铁条固定在岩石上。 在更南方的地区,从马里兰到弗罗里达礁群的诲岸地势低平JL多为沙质,因此嵩大的塔身就很必要了。例 如1870年在北卡罗来纳的哈特拉角建的宏伟的大灯珞,嵩 达190英尺,是全美景嵩的砖结构灯塔。

471、 虽然美国的灯塔在外观和结构上存在一些差异,但它们确有些共同之处,比如都有灯标、有 住房、有时还有钟( 后来女用雾角) 。 此外,还有一个相同之处,那就是都有守塔人,通常是字瑞人全 彖。 奇缘人的基本工作就是修剪灯蕊,以便火焰明亮而稳定。 最早的守缘人来 自各种行业:诲员、农 民 、技工和干粗活的。 这个期住通帝是作为政治回报由地方诲关官 员决定任令 。 但 在1852年后,财政部下属的美国灯塔管理委员会接管了所有灯塔,字缘人 这支队伍也逐渐趋向专业化了。58 Animals CompassesResearchers have found that migrating animals use

472、a variety of inner compasses to helpthem navigate. Some steer by the position of the Sun. Others navigate by the stars.Some use the Sun as their guide during the day and then switch to star navigation bynight. One study shows that the homing pigeon uses the Earths magnetic fields as aguide in findin

473、g its way home and there are indications that various other animals frominsects to mollusks, can also make use of magnetic compasses. It is of course veryuseful for a migrating bird to be able to switch to a magnetic compass when cloudscover the Sun; otherwise it would just have to land and wait for

474、 the Sun to come outagain.Even with the Sun or stars to steer by, the problems of navigation are morecomplicated than they might seem at first. For example, a worker honeybee that hasfound a rich source of nectar and pollen flies rapidly home to the hive to report. Anaturalist has discovered that th

475、e bee scout delivers her report through a complicateddance in the hive, in which she tells the other workers not only how far away the foodis, but also what direction to fly in relation to the Sun. But the Sun does not stay in oneplace all day. As the workers start out to gather the food, the Sun ma

476、y already havechanged its position in the sky somewhat. In later trips during the day, the Sun willseem to move farther and farther toward the west. Yet the worker bees seem to have notrouble at all in finding the food source. Their inner clocks tell them just where the Sunwill be and they change th

477、eir course correspondingly.动物的罗盘研究人员已经发现迁徙性动物可以借助各种各样的体内罗盘来校正方向。有些劫物 借 助 太 阳 的 位 置 辨 别 方 向 ,有些则依靠星星。 还有的白天利用太阳,晚上利用星星。 有研究发现信鸽以地磁场为向导来找到回彖的路。 还有迹象表明许许多多其它生物,从 昆 虫 到 软 体 动 物 ,也能利用这种磁场罗盘。 具有这种磁场罗盘,对候鸟来说当然非帚有用,因为如 果乌云遮目,它可以以磁场为向导继续飞行,否则它就只好着陆,等待太阳重新出现。 即 使 是 借 助 太 阳 或 星 星 导 航 ,其中的学问也比它表面看起来的要复杂得多。 例 如

478、,一只工蜂 找到了花圃蜜园,急忙飞回峰序报信。博物学彖发现这只蜂探在蜂房里琥了一段极为复杂的 养 ,通过这段养她不但告诉其它工蜂食物有多运, 而且报告了以太阳为参照的飞行路线。但 太 阳 不 会 呆 在 天 上 不 动 。当蜂群出发采食时,太阳可能已经多少改变了它在天空中的位置。 出发得越迟,太阳就越偏西,可这仞手没给寻找食物源的工蜂们带来任何不便。它们体内的时 钟告诉他们太阳应在的位置,据此它们相应地改变前进的方向。 59 Muscles and HumanBody It is in the joints of the human body that movements of the bon

479、es take place. Themovement itself is caused by the pull of sheets and cords of very tough tissue calledmuscle. Muscle tissue has the special ability to shorten itself so that the bone on whichit pulls has to move. When muscle tissue shortens, it also bunches up. Muscle tissuecovers the body in sheet

480、s and bands that lie between the skin and the skeleton. Thebones are the framework of the body, but the muscles fill out the body shape. Mostmuscles extend from one bone to another. When the musclebetween the bones shortens, one bone has to move. The point where the muscle isfastened to the unmoving

481、 bone is called the origin of the muscle, whereas the pointwhere the muscle is not fastened to the bone that is to be moved is called the insertion.Sometimes the muscle is not attached directly to the bone but to a tough,nonstretchable cord, or tendon, that is attached to the bone. Muscles do not pu

482、sh; theycan only pull. To bend the arm at the elbow, the muscle at the front of the upper armhas to shorten and bunch up. To unbend the arm other muscles in the back of the armhave to shorten. These two sets of muscles - the front and the back - are said to act inopposition to each other. When one s

483、et is working, the other set is usually relaxed. Butthere are times when both of them work. Sometimes muscles are called upon to domore than simply pull in one direction. They may have to perform a turning motion. Tobe able to do this, the muscle must be attached to the bone at an angle. By pulling,

484、 themuscle can cause the bone to pivot. A few muscles have special functions. Thediaphragm, for example, forces the lungs to take in air. This part of breathing is notprimarily a bone moving operation.肌 肉 和 人 体 骨 骼 运 动 发 生 在 人 体 的 关 节 部 伉 。 这 种 运 动 是 由 称 为 肌 肉 的 片 状 或 条状 的 强 韧 组 织 拖 动 彷 引 起 的 。肌 肉 组

485、 织 有 一 种 特 殊 的 收 缩 能 力 , 可 以 带 动 与 之相 连 的 骨 骼 。 肌 肉 在 收 缩 的 同 时 ,也 会 聚 成 团 。 肌 肉 以 条 状 或 片 状 形 式 布 满 全身,存 在 于 皮 肤 与 骨 架 之 间 。 骨 骼 是 身 体 的 支 架 ,而 肌 肉 则 构 成 了 人 的 体 形 。 大多 数 肌 肉 接 两 块 骨 头 ,但 当 肌 肉 收 缩 时 只 有 一 决 骨 头 运 动 。肌 肉 与 不 动 骨 相 连的 一 端 叫 肌 起 端 , 与 劲 骨 相 连 的 一 端 叫 附 着 端 。有 些 肌 肉 不 与 骨 骼 直 接 相 连 ,而

486、 是 连 着 附 在 骨 骼 上 的 不 能 收 缩 的 带 状 组 织 或 腱 上 。肌 肉 不 能 推 动 而 只 能 拉 动骨 骼 。 要 从 肘 部 夸 曲 手 臂 ,就 要 收 缩 上 臂 正 面 的 肌 肉 。 要 伸 直 手 臂 ,背 面 的 肌由 就 得 收 缩 。这 两 组 肌 肉 , 正 面 的 和 背 面 的 ,称 为 相 反 运 动 肌 肉 。当一组工作时, 另 一 组 就 休 息 。 但 有 时 它 们 也 一 起 工 作 。 有 时 我 们 要 求 肌 肉 不 仅 仅 做 简 单的 单 向 拖 动 。 它 们 需 要 转 动 。 但 只 有 当 肌 肉 与 膏 骼

487、形 成 一 定 角 度 时 ,它们才能转 动 , 从 而 拖 动 骨 骼 统 某 个 轴 旋 转 。 有 几 决 肌 肉 的 作 用 较 特 殊 , 例 如 隔 膜 肌 。 它带 动 肺 部 吸 入 空 气 。 呼 吸 基 本 上 不 是 骨 骼 运 动 带 动 的 。60 Colds and AgeA critical factor that plays a part in susceptibility to colds is age. A study done by theUniversity of Michigan School of Public Health revealed par

488、ticulars that seem to holdtrue for the general population. Infants are the most cold ridden group, averaging morethan six colds in their first years. Boys have more colds than girls up to age three. Afterthe age of three, girls are more susceptible than boys, and teenage girls average threecolds a y

489、ear to boys two. The general incidence of colds continues to decline intomaturity. Elderly people who are in good health have as few as one or two coldsannually. One exception is found among people in their twenties, especially women,who show a rise in cold infections, because people in this age gro

490、up are most likely tohave young children. Adults who delay having children until their thirties and fortiesexperience the same sudden increase in cold infections. The study also found thateconomics plays an important role. As income increases, the frequency at which coldsare reported in the family d

491、ecreases. Families with the lowest income suffer about athird more colds than families at the upper end. Lower income generally forces peopleto live in more cramped quarters than those typically occupied by wealthier people,and crowding increases the opportunities for the cold virus to travel from p

492、erson toperson. Low income may also adversely influence diet. The degree towhich poor nutrition affects susceptibility to colds is not yet clearly established, but aninadequate diet is suspected of lowering resistance generally.感冒与年龄年龄是人们是否易患感冒的一个重要因素。 密歇根大学公共卫生学院揭示了一些对 人 们 普 遍 适 用 的 细 节 。 婴儿期是最易感冒的

493、时期,从出生到一周岁平均感冒六次。 在三周岁 61 PotteryAncient people made clay pottery because they needed it for their survival. They usedthe pots they made for cooking, storing food, and carrying things from place to place.Pottery was so important to early cultures that scientists now study it to learn moreabout ancie

494、nt civilizations. The more advanced the pottery in terms of decoration,materials, glazes and manufacture, the more advanced the culture itself.The artisan who makes pottery in North America today utilizes his or her skill andimagination to create items that are beautiful as well as functional, trans

495、formingsomething ordinary into something special and unique.The potter uses one of the Earths most basic materials, clay. Clay can be found almostanywhere. Good pottery clay must be free from all small stones and other hardmaterials that would make the potting process difficult. Most North American

496、artisanpotters now purchase commercially processed clay, but some find the clay they needright in the earth close to where they work.The most important tools potters use are their own hands; however, they also use wireloop tools, wooden modeling tools, plain wire, and sponges. Plain wire is used to

497、cutaway the finished pot from its base on the potters wheel.After a finished pot is dried of all its moisture in the open air, it is placed in a kiln andfired. The first firing hardens the pottery, and it is then ready to be glazed and firedagain.For areas where they do not want any glaze, such as t

498、he bottom of the pot, artisanspaint on melted wax that will later burn off in the kiln. They then pour on the liquidglaze and let it run over the clay surface, making any kind of decorative pattern thatthey want.陶器古代人制作陶器是因为他们的生存需要它。他们用这些自制的盆盆罐罐来做数 、 装食物、储运东西。陶器在早期文化中占据了如此重要的地位,以致于科学彖们现在通过研究陶器来获取对古代

499、丈明的更多的了解。因为陶器的装饰、材 料 、釉 彩 、制作等工艺越 发达就说明这种文明越发达。 今天,北美的陶艺匠人运用他们的技艺和想象力创造出了既美观又实用的陶艺制品, 把日, 存用品变为独特的艺术品。 制陶匠人使用大地上最基本的原材料一粘土。 粘土几乎随处可见,但好的制陶所用的粘土必须不含小沙拉或任何硬 物 ,否 则 会 给 制 陶 过 程 带 来 不 便 。 现在大多数北美制陶艺人买现成的专用陶士,也有些陶匠乐于 就地取材,在作坊附近自己挖粘土。 制陶器最重要的工具是工匠们自己的双手,但 有 时 他 们 也 用 些 别 的 工 具 ,如绳圈、木模、素线、海绵等。 素线的作用是当一件陶器完

500、成后用它把陶器从转盘上的基座上切下来。 陶器成形后,首先要在全气中自然风干,再放到銮中焙 烧。 第一遍焙烧使得陶器变得坚硬,下一步就是给它上釉彩,然后再焙烧。 陶器上有些地 方不需上釉彩,像罐子底部, 匠人们就在这些部位涂上蜡,一加热就会化掉。 然 后 匠 人 们 把 釉彩液体浇上陶器表面,绘制他们想要的任何图去。62 Mimicry in PlantsPlant adaptations can be remarkably complex. Certain species of orchids, for instance,imitate female bees, other plants lo

501、ok and smell like dead animals, and still others havethe appearance of stones. These strange adaptations to life represent just a few of thesophisticated means by which plants enhance their chances of survival. Mimicry inplants or animals is a three part system. There is a model: the animal, plant o

502、r substratebeing initiated. There is a mimic: the organism that imitates the model. And there is asignal receiver or dupe: the animal that cannot effectively distinguish between themodel and the mimic. Mimetic traits may include morphological structures, colorpatterns, behaviors or other attributes

503、of the mimic that promote its resemblance to amodel. That model may be either an unrelated species or an inanimate object, such asthe background against which an organism spends most of its time. Mimicry is not anactive strategy on the part of an individual plant; flowers do not deliberately trick o

504、rdeceive animals into visiting them. Mimicry arises as the result of evolution throughnatural selection and the occurrence of random genetic mutations that lead over manygenerations to the appearance of favorable characteristics. If such traits help tocamouflage a plant, for example, the plant is li

505、kely to have a survival advantage overother plants that are less well camouflaged. The plant will leave more descendants,thereby passing the advantage to the next generation. For natural selection to favor theevolution of mimicry, the mimicry must derive a reproductive advantage frommodeling itself

506、after another organism or object: its fitness, measured as the number ofoffspring produced that survive into the next generation, must be increased as the resultof deception.植物拟出植物的适应性极为复杂。 禁种兰花模仿雌蜂,还有些植物看上去或嗅起来 象 死 去 的 动 物 ,更有些植物具有石头的外表。 这些稀奇古怪的适应性不过是植物的次多求生 手段中的一小部分罢了。 动植物的拟态包括三方面的内叁:一是谀膜仿者,动物,植 物

507、 或 是 生 出 基 层 ,二是模仿者,即那些去模拟其它东西的生物,三是上当受骗者,即不能分辨模仿者 与 被 模 仿 者 的 动 物 。 被模仿特征包括形态结构,色彩花纹,动作习性或其它模仿者实现它与破模仿者相仞的特点。破模仿者可以是其它种类的生物或非生命物,如 栖 居 地 的 环 境 。 拟态并非某个植物主动的策略。 花朵并非故意诱骗动物来访。 拟杰是无教代自然选择和遗传变异的进化而获得的有利特征的结果。 比如,有些特征有利于伪装,那么具有这些特征的植物就比不具有的易于生存。 这种植物就会有更多的后代,并杷这些特征代代相 传。 要让自然选择惠顾模仿者的进化,模仿者必须在模仿其它生物或物体中得

508、到繁琏优势: 它的适应能力,以存活至下一代的幼兽的数目来衡量,必灾因为欺编而加强了。63 Oil and WaterTo understand the emulsifying process, we must first accept the scientific principle thatoil and water do not naturally mix. Quite literally, they find each others presencerepulsive. A good illustration of this aversion is homemade oil and vi

509、negar saladdressing.When you shake or beat your salad dressing, you do more than disperse theoil throughout the vinegar: you also break down the oil into droplets minute enough toremain temporarily suspended in the vinegar (which from now on we will call water,because that tart condiment is in effec

510、t mainly water). The second you stop agitatingthe dressing, the oil droplets start to combine into units too large to be suspended in thewater, and thus slither their way upward, separating from the water in the process. Theoil rises to the top and the water sinks because oil has a lower specific de

511、nsity thanwater. If you want a stable emulsion, you need an emulsifying agent which preventsthe oil droplets from combining into larger units. Emulsifying agents occur naturally inmany animal substances including egg yolks and milk. An emulsifying agent helps tokeep the oil particles from combining

512、in three basic ways. First, the agent coats the oil,serving as a physical barrier between the droplets. Second, it reduces the waterssurface tension, which, in turn, reduces the waters ability to repulse oil. Third, theagent gives the surfaces of the oil droplets identical electrical charges; since

513、likecharges repel each other the droplets repel each other.油 和 水 为 理 解 乳 化 过 程 的 发 生 , 我 们 必 须 首 先 认 识 到 这 样 一 条 科 学 原 理 :水和油不 能 自 然 混 合 ,它 们 实 实 在 在 互 相 排 斥 。 彖 制 的 油 醋 沙 拉 调 料 就 是 一 个 好 例 子 。当 你 搅 拌 沙 拉 调 料 时 ,你 不 仅 使 油 犷 散 到 醋 里 ,彷 且 使 油 靖 被 搅 得 很 小 可 以 悬 浮在 醋 中 ( 自 此 我 们 改 称 它 为 水 , 因 为 事 实 上 这

514、种 酸 性 调 味 品 的 主 要 成 份 就 是 水 ) 。一 旦 你 停 止 了 搅 动 ,油 谪 就 会 凝 聚 , 大 到 再 也 不 能 悬 浮 在 水 中 时 ,它 们 就 向 上 滑动 出 来 而 与 水 分 寓 了 。因 为 油 的 密 度 小 ,所 以 油 会 浮 在 水 上 。 如 果 想 得 到 稳 定的 乳 化 , 就 需 要 一 种 乳 化 剂 。它 可 以 不 让 油 形 成 大 的 油 谪 。自 然 界 中 ,很多动物 体 中 含 有 乳 化 剂 ,如 蛋 黄 和 牛 助 。 乳 化 剂 可 以 从 以 下 三 方 面 阻 止 油 靖 凝 聚 。一 、 乳 化 剂

515、 包 裹 住 油 靖 ,在 油 端 间 形 成 一 道 物 质 屏 障 。 二 、 乳 化 剂 降 低 水 的 表面 张 力 , 从 而 降 低 了 水 排 斥 油 的 能 力 。 三 、 乳 化 剂 使 油 谪 表 面 带 上 了 同 种 电 苻 ,因 为 同 种 电 荷 互 相 排 斥 , 油 谪 之 间 也 相 互 排 斥 。64 Salt and MetabolismJust how salt became so crucial to our metabolism is a mystery; one appealing theorytraces our dependence on it

516、 to the chemist ry of the late Cambrian seas. It was there, ahalf billion years ago, that tiny metazoan organisms first evolved systems forsequestering and circulating fluids. The water of the early oceans might thus havebecome the chemical prototype for the fluids of all animal life - the medium in

517、 whichcellular operations could continue no matter how the external environment changed.This speculation is based on the fact that, even today, the blood serums of radicallydivergent species are remarkably similar. Lizards, platypuses, sheep, and humans couldhardly be more different in anatomy or ea

518、ting habits, yet the salt content in the fluidsurrounding their blood cells is virtually identical. As early marine species made theirway to fresh water and eventually to dry land, sodium remained a key ingredient oftheir interior, if not their exterior,milieu. The most successful mammalian species

519、would have been those that developedefficient hormonal systems for maintaining the needed sodium concentrations. Thehuman body, for example, uses the hormones renin, angiotensin, and aldosterone toretain or release tissue fluids and blood plasma. The result, under favorable conditions,is a dynamic e

520、quilibrium in which neither fluid volume nor sodium concentrationfluctuates too dramatically. But if the body is deprived of salt, the effects soon becomedangerous, despite compensatory mechanisms.盐与新 陈代谢盐为何成为人类新陈代谢的关键是一个迷; 一个富有吸引力的理先认为我们对盐的依赖可从聿式纪诲洋的化学变化中得到线索。 五亿年前,就是在那里,微 小 的 后 生 动 物 首 先 进 化成与外隔绝的

521、循环液体条统。 因此,早期海洋里的人可能是所有动物体内液体的化 学 原 型 个无论外界环境如何改变,其细胞活动仍将继续的环境。 这个设想 是 建 立 这 一 事 实 基 础 上 : 即使是在今天,物种迥异的众多动物血清非常相仞。蜥蜴、鸭嘴兽、绵羊和人 类 ,在斛剂学和饮食习惯上完全不同,但细胞周围的液体中的盐含量却基本上是相等的。 在海婵生物向淡水区域并最终向陆地移动的过程中,盐始终是它们生存环境- - 如 果 不 是 外 部 环 境 ,其码也是内部环境中的关键 成 份 。 最高级的嘀乳类动物为保持所需的盐浓度而进化出了嵩效的内分泌条统。 例 如 ,人体为了保留或释放组织液体和血浆而使用嵩血压

522、妥右原薛、 血管紧张素、豳固酮等激素。 这样在有利的环境下,液体与其中盐浓度之间形成的动态 平 衡 ,两者均不致出现大起大落。 但如果身体里丧失了的盐分,尽管有各种的补楼机制,后果将马上极其危险。65 The Early Settlers in North AmericaThe North American frontier changed some of the characteristics of the pioneers of the1750s and intensified others. They were, as a group, semiliterate, proud,and s

523、tubborn,as dogged in their insistence on their own way of life as pine roots cracking granite togrow. Perhaps their greatest resource was their capacity to endure. They outlastedrecurrent plagues of smallpox and malaria and a steady progression of naturalaccidents. They were incredibly prolific. Squ

524、ire Boones family of eight children wassmall by frontier standards. James Roberson, an eventual neighbor of Boones and thefounder of Nashville, had eleven children. Twice married John Sevier, the firstgovernor of Tennessee, fathered eighteen; his longtime enemy, John Tipton, also twicemarried, produ

525、ced seventeen. The entire assets of one of these huge families oftenamounted, in the beginning, to little more than an axe, a hunting knife, an auger, a rifle,a horse or two, some cattle and a few pigs, a sack of corn seed and another of salt,perhaps a crosscut saw, and a loom. Those who moved first

526、 into a new region lived formonths at a time on wild meat, Indian maize, and native fruits in season. Yet if theywere poor at the beginning, they confidently expected that soon they would be rich. Ina way almost impossible to define to urban dwellers, a slice of ground suitable forfarming represente

527、d not just dollars and cents, but dignity. The obsession broughtshiploads of yearners every week to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore,Charles Towne, and Savannah. It sent them streaming westward into the wildernessafter their predecessors to raise still more children who wanted still more la

528、nd.北美早期琏氏者北美的边运地区改变了 1 8世 纪5 0年代拓荒者的一些特点, 而强化了他们的另一些特点。 作为一个整体,他们是半丈盲,嵩做并且顽固。 他们坚椅自己的生活方 式就象松树根在花肉石中爆缝生长。 也许,他们最大的褥源是忍利能力。 他 们 熬 过 了 经 常 性 的 天 花 、疟疾等瘟疫及一条列自然史唯。 他们出奇地多育。 依他们的标准,斯 夸 余 布 恩 有 八 个 孩 子 是 少 的 了 。 最后成了布恩的邻居并JL是那士堆的建造者的詹姆士罗伯逊有1 1个孩子。曾结过两次婚的约翰塞维东一田纳西州的第一位州长,生了 1 8个孩子,他长期 的仇敌,约翰提普敦也结 过 两 次 婚

529、并 有1 7个孩子。 最 初 ,在这些庞大的家庭中,全 部 的 财 产 合 起 来也不过是一把斧头、 一把猎刀和一根钻子, 一条步枪,一两匹马,牛和猪 , 一 袋 玉米种子和一袋盐,或可能还有一把锯子和一台织布机。 那些新到一个地区的人们一 连 数 月 篦 野 味 、印第安玉米和季节性野果维持生活。 然而,即使最初很贫穷,他们自信很快就 会富起来。 一块适合耕种的土地不仅伍代表着金钱,更意味着尊严。 这 一 点 是 无 法 向 城 市 居 民 解 释 的 。 这一固执的想决每周都将整船整船的渴望者带往波士顿、纽约、 迪城、 巴 东 的 摩 、查余斯城和萨比那。 跟随着他们的先行者,这些渴望的人

530、们象潮水一般涌向荒野, 去生养更多的子女,而这些孑女又将需求更多的土地。66 Plants in the DesertsSome cacti, like the saguaro, grow to tree size, but true trees need more moisture thanmost desert environments can supply, so they are scarce on deserts. Close tostreambeds, cottonwoods can sometimes be found. Though these streams are dry

531、mostof the year, water flows there longest and is usually available fairly close to the surface.Elsewhere, trees must send taproots deep into the hard baked desert soil to draw onunderground water. Perhaps the most widespread family of trees on the worlds desertsis the acacia, whose taproots drill d

532、own as far as 25 feet(7. 5 meters). The mesquite common on North American deserts in both tree and shrubforms, does not begin to grow above ground until its root system is completelydeveloped, ensuring the plant a supply of moisture. The roots of shrubs and trees helpto hold the desert soil in place

533、. Their stalks and branches also act as screens to keep thewind from sweeping great drifts of sand along the surface. These services are vital if adesert is to support life. Scientists estimate that a desert needs year round plant coverover 20 to 40 percent of its surface. If shrubs are too far apar

534、t - separated by a distancegreater than five times their height - soil around them is likely to blow away. Withoutthe shelter of established shrubs, new seedlings will have difficulty in getting a start.On the other hand, plants that are too close together may compete for undergroundmoisture. To pro

535、tect themselves from this competition some shrubs give off asubstance that kills young plants that sprout too close to them. In addition to a fewvarieties of trees and tough shrubs, most deserts have grasses, herbs, and other annualplants. These do not compete for moisture with the longer lived grow

536、th. They spring upquickly after rains, when the surface is moist. Then, for a brief time, the desert can beliterally carpeted with color. Almost as quickly as they appeared, these small plants dieaway. But they have developed special ways of ensuring the life of another generationwhen rains come aga

537、in.沙漠中的植物一些仙人拿,如微瓜罗,能长到象树那么嵩。 但真正的树却需要比大 多 数 沙 漠 所 能 提 供 的 更 多 的 水 份 , 所以树在沙漠里是绛见的。 在小溪河床附近,有 时 能 发 现 三 角 叶 杨 。 尽管一年的大多数时间里这些小溪都是干涸的,那里却是水流得时间最长的地方 而且水份相当第近地表。 其它地方树木的主板必须深人受炙烤彷坚感的沙漠底部的土 壤以吸取地下水。 在沙漠里分布最广的树或许是剌魏,其 主 根 能 深 达2 5英尺( 合7 5米) 。 收豆树属植物不论是乔木和灌木,在北美沙漠中, 希希可见,在它根部余统完全生长发 达 到 能 保 证提供充足的水分时 才长出

538、地面。 灌木和树的根有助于固定沙漠中的土壤,它 们 的 茎 和 树 枝 同 时 起 屏 障 的 作 用 ,防止风从沙漠表面吹起大堆的沙。如果沙漠要支持生命,这 种 作 用 必 不 可 少 。 科学家估计一年之中植物必须覆盖沙 漠 表 面 的20%到40%o如果灌木间隔太 远一大于它们嵩度的5僖- - 周围的土壤就可能被吹走。 如果没有这些灌木作为保护, 新 的 种 子 很 唯 生 长 。 另一方面,植物相互靠得太近却会引起竞争地下水分。 为避免竞争,一些灌木会 释 放 一 种物质来杀死那些距他们太近发芽的植物。 除了一些种类的树木和顽强的灌木夕卜,大多数沙溪里还有青草、草本植物和其它年生植物。

539、 它们并不与长期生长的树木竞 争 水 份 。当雨后地表还潮湿时它们就迅速发芽,然后在一个短时间里,给沙溪铺上绿色地毯。 这些小植物很快就靖失了,几乎就象它们长出来时那样更. 速,但它们已发展了特殊方式来保证在下次降雨来时下一代的生命。67 The American Civil WarThe military aspect of the United States Civil War has always attracted the mostattention from scholars. The roar of gunfire, the massed movements of uniforme

540、d men,the shrill o f bugles, and the drama of hand to hand combat have facinated students ofwarfare for a century. Behind the lines, however, life was less spectacular. It was thestory of back breaking labor to provide the fighting men with food and arms, of nervetingling uncertainty about the cours

541、e of national events, of heartbreak over sons orbrothers or husbands lost in battle. If the men on the firing line won the victories, themeans to those victories were forged on the home front. Never in the nations historyhad Americans worked harder for victory than in the Civil War. Northerners andS

542、outherners alike threw themselves into the task of supplying their respective armies.Both governments made tremendous demands upon civilians and, in general, receivedwilling cooperations. By 1863 the Northern war economy was rumbling along in highgear. Everything from steamboats to shovels was neede

543、d and produced. DeniedSouthern cotton, textile mills turned to wool for blankets and uniforms. Hides by thehundreds of thousands were turned into shoes and harness and saddles; ironworksmanufactured locomotives, ordnance, armor plate. Where private enterprise lagged, thegovernment set up its own fac

544、tories or arsenals. Agriculture boomed, with machinerydoing the job of farm workers drawn into the army. In short, everything that a nationneeded to fight a modern war was produced in uncounted numbers. Inevitably therewere profiteers with gold headed canes and flamboyant diamond stickpins, but fore

545、very crooked tycoon there were thousands of ordinary citizens living on fixedincomes who did their best to cope with rising prices and still make a contribution tothe war effort. Those who could bought war bonds; others knitted, sewed, nursed, orlent any other assistance in their power.美国内战美国内战中的军事方

546、面一直最吸引学者们的注意。 轰隆的炮声、军人大规模 的阵式, 尖铳的军号和右刃战的场面,己吸引了战争研究者们- 个世纪。 然而,在后方, 生活却没有这般壮观。那里的故事就是为作战的军人提供食物和式装而做劳累至极的工作, 对国家事杰的焦虑和对在战争中失去丈夫、兄弟和儿子的撕心裂肺。 如果说前线的人们获 得了胜利,那胜利的手段就要归功于后方的人们。 在其历史上,美国人从来没有象在内战中那样为夺取胜利而如此努力。南方人和北方人一样投入到为各自军队供应物资的任务中。双方政府对民次都提出巨大的要求,忌的来说,得到了极积的合作。 到了 1863年,北 方 战 时 经 济呈嵩速运转,队蒸气船到铁锹,一切都需

547、要并只生产出来。 由于没有了南方产的棉花,纺织工厂纷纷转用毛料生产毯子和军衣。 几十万件的皮革制成了鞋、挽具和马鞍。 铁 厂 生 产 出 机 车 、火炮、装甲板。 私营企业不足以承担的方面,政府就成立自己的工厂和兵 工厂。 农业更. 猛发展, 因为农场工人参军后机械代称了手工。 忌之,国彖参加现代战争所需的多得数不清的物褥都生产出来了。 不可避免地出现了一些手持破金手杖,戴 着 耀 眼 的 钻 石 别 针 的 投 资 商 。 但每有一个奸诈的富翁就有成千上万的普通市民。 他们依靠固定的收 入尽他们最大的努力应付着上涨的物价,为战争做着贡故。 那些有能力的人购买战争债蒙, 其他的人编 织 、 缝

548、 补 衣 服 , 护 理 伤 病 人 或 做 其 它 一 切 他 们 力 所 能 及 的 工 作 。68 Women in Colonial North AmericaThe status of women in colonial North America has been well studied and describedand can be briefly summarized. Throughout the colonial period there was a markedshortage of women, which varied with the regions and wa

549、s always greatest in thefrontier areas. This favorable ratio enhanced womens status and position and allowedthem to pursue different careers. The Puritans, the religious sect that dominated theearly british colonies in North America, regarded idleness as a sin, and believed thatlife in an underdevel

550、oped country made it absolutely necessary that each member ofthe community perform an economic function. Thus work for women, married orsingle, was not only approved, it was regarded as a civic duty. Puritan town councilsexpected widows and unattached women to be self supporting and for a long timep

551、rovided needy spinsters with parcels of land. There was no social sanction againstmarried women working; on the contrary, wives were expected to help their husbandsin their trade and won social approval for doing extra work in or out of the home.Needy children, girls as well as boys, were indentured

552、 or apprenticed and wereexpected to work for their keep. The vast majority of women worked within theirhomes, where their labor produced most articles needed for the family. The entirecolonial production of cloth and clothing and partially that of shoes was in the hands ofwomen. In addition to these

553、 occupations, women were found in many different kindsof employment. They were butchers, silversmiths, gunsmiths and upholsterers. Theyran mills, plantations, tanyards, shipyards, and every kind of shop, tavern, andboardinghouse. They were gatekeepers, jail keepers, sextons, journalists, printers,ap

554、othecaries, midwives, nurses, and teachers.北美琏民时期的妇女北美琏氏时期女性的社会地位曾得到过深入研究和描述, 并可简短 概括。 整个琏先时期,女性人数明显不足,各地情况不尽相同,在边远地区尤其缺少。 这种对女性有利的比例提高了她们的社会地位和加住,使她们能追求不同的事业。请教徒是早期英属琏氏地的宗教主流。它视懒情为犯罪,认为在不发达农村社区的每一个成员都必 须发挥经济作用。 所以已婚或单身女性工作不仅是许可的,而只狼认为是公民的义务。请教徒的镇议会认为寡妇和未婚女性也应该自食其力,而且在相当长一段时期里,向贫困的老 而未婚的女孑提供土地。 社会不反

555、对已婚妇女工作;相反,要求她们帮助丈夫从事他们的行当。 在家庭内外做额外劳动的妻子们会得到社会的赞同。贫困的儿童,女孩和男孩一样, 也要签师徒契约做学徒,想保住这个生计就要工作。 绝大多数女性在彖庭里劳动, 生 产 大 部 分 彖 用 必 需 品 。 琏氏时期全部的布料和衣服以及一部分的鞋都出自女性的双手。 除了从 事这些期业,妇女也从事许多不同类型的朋业 ,如做屠夫、铁 匠 、军械工和彖俱修理工。 她 们 经 营 手 工 作 坊 、种植园 、制革场、造船厂和各类商店、小旅馆和供膳寄宿处。 她 们 当 守 门 人 或 狱 卒 ,教堂司事、记 者 、印刷工、药剂师、助产士、护士和教师。69 Th

556、e Revolution in AmericanHigher Education To produce the upheaval in the United States that changed andmodernized the domain of higher education from the mid 1860s to the mid 1880s,three primary causes interacted. The emergence of a half dozen leaders in educationprovided the personal force that was

557、needed. Moreover, an outcry for a fresher, morepractical, and more advanced kind of instruction arose among the alumni and friends ofnearly all of the old colleges and grew into a movement that overrode all conservativeopposition. The aggressive Young Yale movement appeared, demanding partialalumni

558、control, a more liberal spirit, and a broader course of study. The graduates ofHarvard college simultaneously rallied to relieve the colleges poverty and demandnew enterprise. Education was pushing toward higher standards in the East bythrowing off church leadership everywhere, and in the West by fi

559、nding a wider rangeof studies and a new sense of public duty. The old style classical education received itsmost crushing blow in the citadel of Harvard College, where Dr. Charles Eliot, a youngcaptain of thirty five, son of a former treasurer of Harvard, led the progressive forces.Five revolutionar

560、y advances were made during the first years of Dr. Eliotsadministration. They were the elevation and amplification of entrance requirements,the enlargement of the curriculum and the development of the elective system, therecognition of graduate study in the liberal arts, the raising of professional

561、training inlaw, medicine, and engineering to a postgraduate level, and the fostering of greatermaturity in students life. Standards of admission were sharply advanced in 1872-1873and 1876-1877. By the appointment of a dean to take charge of student affairs, and awise handling of discipline, the unde

562、rgraduates were led to regard themselves more asyoung gentlemen and less as young animals. One new course of study after anotherwas opened up - science, music, the history of the fine arts, advanced Spanish, politicaleconomy, physics, classical philology, and international law.美 国 嵩 等 教 育 的 革 命 从1 9

563、世 纪6 0年 代 中 期 到1 9世 纪8 0年代中期,改变了美国高等教 育并使其现代化的激变有三个互相作用的因素。 六住教育界领导者的 出 现 保 证 了 所 需 的 人 力 因 素 。 除此之外,要求更新、更实用、更高层次的教育呼声在几乎所有老式学院的校友和朋友间升起并发展成压倒所有保守派的一场运动。 辿他逼人的 青年耶鲁 运动出现了, 要求校友具有部分控制,更自由的精神和更广的选课范围。 哈佛学院的毕业生同时团结起来 缓解学校的贫困状况并要求新的事业。 在东部地区的高等学府抛弃了教堂的领导,西部地 区的学校则疗大了学习花围,树立了一种新的社会责任感,由此教育不断地校推向更高的标 准 。

564、 在哈佛学院的城堡里,旧式的经典教育受到了最毁天性的打击。 哈佛以南 一 个 财 政 主 管 的 儿 子 ,3 5岁的年轻领袖查余斯艾略特博士,领导了进步的力量。 在他管理学院的第一年取得 了五个革命性的进展。 那就是提高和加强入学要 求 ,步充课程和发展选修课,承 认 大 学 文 科 的 研 究 生 学 习 ,将法学、医学和工程学的取业训练提嵩到研究生水平和促进学生 生活的成熟。入 学 标 准 在18721873年 及1876年 1877年急剧提嵩。由于采用了学生 事务院长负责制和明智的处理纪律的手段,大学生把自己更多地看作是年轻的绰士,而不是 年 轻 的 动畅。 学校开设了一个又一个的新课

565、程一自然科学、音乐、美术史、嵩级西班牙语、政治经济学、物理、古典语言学和国际法。70 Garzas Art WorksCarmen Lomas Garzas eloquent etchings, lithographs, and gouache paintings depictprimal images of the rural environment and communal cultural experience of Mexicandecended people in the United States. In an introspective and personal language

566、, shedescribes the customs, traditions, a nd ways of life of her Texan Mexican heritage.By1972, Lomas Garza had evolved her distinctive monitos, paintings of stylized figuresin culturally specific social environments. She transposes images and scenes from herpast, combining cultural documentation wi

567、th invention in an interplay of fact andfiction. Through selection, emphasis, and creation, these monitos delineate facets ofexperience, expressing deeper truths. Oral tradition is a mainstay of Chicano culture. Inboth urban and rural communities, a rich and varied repertoire of ballads, tales, andp

568、oetic forms is preserved in memory and passed from generation to generation. LomasGarzas monitos function as an oral tradition in visual form. Her unique art ofstorytelling employs iconographic elements to create a concentrated narration. Visualepisodes within an unfolding epic tale of cultural rege

569、neration, the monitos keep alivethe customs and daily practices that give meaning and coherence to Chicano identity.Their basic aim is to delight and instruct. For those outside Chicano culture, the preciseand minutely detail ed monitos provide a glimpse into the rich and vibrant lifestyl e ofthe la

570、rgest Spanish speaking cultural group within the United States society. Althoughher art has an innocent earnestness and folkloric affinity, Lomas Garzas expression isneither naive nor instinctive. The artist is highly trained academically, but has chosento remain independent of dominant artistic tre

571、nds in order to work toward a privateaesthetic response to social concerns. While her work does not posit an overt politicalstatement, it originates from a desire to respo nd to the contemporary situation ofMexican Americans by expressing positive images of their culture.加扎的艺术作品卡小洛玛斯加扎富有表现力的蚀刻画、平刻画和

572、树胶水彩画,描给 了美国墨西哥后裔居住的乡村环境和群体的文化经验中的原始形象。 她用一种 反 省 和 个 性 化 的 语 言 , 描给了得克萨斯州墨西哥后裔的风俗、 传统和生活方式。到1972年为止,洛玛斯 加扎已逐渐完成了风格独特的 monitoso 这是将风格化的人物置身于特定的社会文化环 境中的余列画作。 她从自己的经验中移植出来一些形象和场景,用虚构和现实的交融, 实 现 了 文 化 注 释 和 艺 术 创 堂 的 结 合 。 通过挑选、突出和虚构的手段,这 些 画 勾 勒 了 人 情 事 故 的 各 个 方 面 ,并表现了更深层的真实。 口语传统是美国墨西哥文化的主流。 在城市和农村

573、, 人们在记忆中保密了各类先谣、传说和诗歌并世代相传。 洛玛斯加扎的 monitos,以 可 视 的形象表现了这一口语传统。 她独一无二的艺术,用肖像头的元素创造了高度凝炼的叙事。 作为逐渐展开的文化更新史诗中的视觉片新,monitos生动地表现了赋予墨裔美国人有价值 及完整的认同感的习俗和日, 希生活。 这些画的根本目的是给人娱悦和教育。 对 墨 西 哥 文 化 以 外 的 人 来 说 ,这些画准确而细致地描绘了美国社会中最大的西班牙语文化群的丰富和充满 活力的生活方式。 尽管她的艺术天真、诚挚并与民间艺术有极深的渊源,洛玛斯加扎的 表现手族却绝不幼稚也并不是伍伍出于本能。 这位艺术彖在学术

574、上受过嵩度训练。 她 选 择 独 立 于 艺 术主流之外, 目的是对社会的鼠心做出个性化的美学反应。尽管她的作品未提出 公开的政治宣言,但却是发源于通过描述墨美文化中的正面形象来反映墨美人目前处 境 的 愿 望 。71 The Alaska PipelineThe Alaska pipeline starts at the frozen edge of the Arctic ocean. It stretches southwardacross the largest and northernmost state in the United States, ending at a remote

575、 icefree seaport village nearly 800 miles from where it begins. It is massive in size andextremely complicated to operate. The steel pipe crosses windswept plains and endlessmiles of delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves through crookedcanyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over r

576、ocky crags, makes its way throughthick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of rivers and streams. The pipe is 4feet in diameter, and up to 2 million barrels (or 84 million gallons) of crude oil can bepumped through it daily. Resting on H shaped steel racks calledbents, long sections of the pi

577、peline follow a zigzag course high above the frozenearth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or rocky ground and returnto the surface later on. The pattern of the pipelines up and down route is determined bythe often harsh demands of the Arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous l

578、ay of the land,and the varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost(permanently frozen ground). Alittle more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the ground. The remainder isburied anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending largely upon the type of terrain and theproperties of the soil. One of

579、 the largest in the world, the pipeline cost approximately$ 8 billion and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project everundertaken by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise that much money,so 8 major oil companies formed a consortium in order to share the costs

580、. Eachcompany controlled oil rights to particular shares of land in the oil fields and paid intothe pipeline construction fund according to the size of its holdings. Today, despiteenormous problems of climate, supply shortages, equipment breakdowns, labordisagreements, treacherous terrain, a certain

581、 amount of mismanagement, and even theft,the Alaska pipeline has been completed and is operating.阿拉斯加输油管阿拉斯加输油管道以北冰洋的冻冰边缘为起点,向南延伸穿过美国 的 最 北 又 是 最 大 的 州 ,在 寓 起 点800英里以外的一个偏仰的不冻海港中止。它阵幅巨大,而且 运作极端复杂。 这个钢质管道穿过强风不断的草原和无边无尽的覆盖于冻土之上的苔原。 它盘垣于弯曲的啖谷之间,攀上蛉哨的山峰,从岩石遍布的哨壁俯冲下来,穿越浓密的森林, 从上或从下经过成百上千条的 河 流与溪水。管道的直往有四

582、美尺,每 天 能 运 送 嵩 达2 0 0百 万 桶 ( 合8400万加仑)的原油。 机 在H型的铁架上,管道长长的一部分在冰冻地面的上去走着 之字形。 其它部分请夫在松软或坚硬. 的地面下然后又回到地面上。管道这种或上或 下 的 路 线决定于严酷的机带和副机带与候、复杂的地形和构堂各异的土壤、岩石 、永久冻土。 一大半管道悬在地面上空,其 余 部 分 则 埋 入3至1 2英尺的地To 深浅大部分由地形状况和 土壤特征而走。 作为世上最大的管道之一,它花会 了 将 近8 0亿美元,至今仍是私有产业进行的最浩大最昂贵的建筑工程。实际上,单个公司不可能拿出这么多的资金。 为 了 分 担 成 本 ,

583、八大石油公司组成了一个大财团。 每个公司都控制着油田中一定土地上的开采权,并 由 股 份 的 比例把资金投入到管道建设中。 尽管有气候严束、 供应不足、 设备演坏、 劳工纠 纷 、地形复杂等巨大图唯,并有一些管理上的不善甚至破盗现象,阿拉斯加管道现已理 工 并 正 在 运 行 。72 The Satiric LiteraturePerhaps the most striking quality of satiric literature is its freshness, its originality ofperspective. Satire rarely offers original

584、ideas. Instead, it presents the familiar in a newform. Satirists do not offer the world new philosophies. What they do is to look atfamiliar conditions from a perspective that makes these conditions seem foolish,harmful, or affected. Satire jars us out of complacence into a pleasantly shockedrealiza

585、tion that many of the values we unquestioningly accept are false. Don Quixotederides the stupidity of knights Brave New World ridicules the pretensions of science;A Modest Proposal dramatizes starvation by advocating cannibalism. None of theseideas is original. Chivalry was suspect before Cervantes,

586、 humanists objected to theclaims of pure science before Aldous Huxley, and people were aware of famine beforeSwift. It was not the originality of the idea that made these satires popular. It was themanner of expression, the satiric method that made them interesting and entertaining.Satires are read

587、because they are aesthetically satisfying works of art, not because theyare morally wholesome or ethically instructive. They are stimulating and refreshingbecause with commonsense briskness they brush away illusions and secondhandopinions. With spontaneous irreverence, satire rearranges perspectives

588、, scramblesfamiliar objects into incongruous juxtaposition, and speaks in a personal idiom insteadof abstract platitude.Satire exists because there is need for it. It has lived because readers appreciate arefreshing stimulus, an irreverent reminder that they live in a world of platitudinousthinking,

589、 cheap moralizing, and foolish philosophy. Satire serves to prod people into anawareness of truth, though rarely to any action on behalf of truth. Satire tends toremind people that much of what they see, hear, and read in popular media issanctimonious, sentimental, and only partially true. Life rese

590、mbles in only a slightdegree the popular image of it. Soldiers rarely hold the ideals that movies attribute tothem, nor do ordinary citizens devote their lives to unselfish service of humanity.Intelligent people know these things but tend to forget them when they do not hearthem expressed.讽刺文学或许讽剌文学

591、最显著的特点是其视角的新颖性和独特性。讽剌作品很少有 创 造 性 的 思 想 。 相反,它用一种新的形式把人们熟悉的东西呈现出来。 讽剌作 彖 没 有 为 世 界 贡 献 新 的 哲 学 。 他们所做的就是采取这样一种立场来看待熟悉的环境,使 得 它 们 看 上 去 愚 蠢 、有害或者连作。 讽剌作品使我们排除了自满情绪,并愉快地惊叹道许多我们毫无疑问 地接受的价值观是错误的。 堂吉诃德使骆士看起来愚蠢可笑; 奇妙的新世界嘲 弄 了 科 学 的 自 命 不 凡 ; 温和的建议戏剧性地提倡同类相食来请天伏饿。 所 有 这 些 观 点 都 不 是 创 堂 性 的 。 在塞万提斯以前堵土制度就受到了

592、怀疑,在阿余道斯赫胥黎以前的人文主 义者就反对她科学的主张,而只在斯威夫特以前就认识了仇克。 并不是独创性的思考使这些讽剌作品变得流行,而是表达的方式、讽剌的方决手段使它们变得有趣和引人人胜。 人们揍讽剌作品是因为在美感上它们是令人满意的艺术作品,而不是因为道德的完美和伦理的 说教。它们有启发性、使人耳目一新是因为它们用简明的常识洗刷去了幻觉和旧的观点。讽 剌 作 品 用 自 然 的 嘲 讽杰度重新设置了观点 ,将熟悉的事物自相矛盾地置在一起。 讽剌文学 用自己的语言,而不是采用抽象的陈词滥调来表达。 讽剌作品的存在是由于有需求。 它的存在是因为揍者砍责使人耳目一新的剌激,亳不家气地提醒他们活

593、在一个思相陈腐、道德低 廉 、哲学荒谬的世界里。讽剌作品有助于促进人们认识真相, 虽然很少促动人们为真理而 行动。 它有助于提醒人们日常媒介中所见所闻所族的许多东西是假装神圣、感情用事或半真半假。 生活只在很少程度上与它流行的映像相象,战士很少有电影赋予他们的完美,一般的公民也很少奉献他们的生命为人类无私的服务。 明智的人们了解这些事理,但 当 他 们 没 有 听 到 这 些 事 理 ,就倾向于把它们忘掉。73 The Microscopic TechniqueEach advance in microscopic technique has provided scientists with

594、new perspectiveson the function of living organisms and the nature of matter itself. The invention of thevisible light microscope late in the sixteenth century introduced a previously unknownrealm of single celled plants and animals. In the twentieth century, electronmicroscopes have provided direct

595、 views of viruses and minuscule surface structures.Now another type of microscope, one that utilizes x rays rather than light or electrons,offers a different way of examining tiny details; it should extend human perception stillfarther into the natural world. The dream of building an x ray microscop

596、e dates to back1895; its development, however was virtually halted in the 1940s because thedevelopment of the electron microscope was progressing rapidly. During the 1940s,electron microscopes routinely achieved resolution better than that poss ible with avisible light microscope, while the performa

597、nce of x ray microscopes resistedimprovement. In recent years, however, interest in x ray microscopes has revived,largely because of advances such as the developmen t of new sources of x rayillumination. As a result, the brightness available today is millions of times tha t of xray tubes, which, for

598、 most of the century, were the only available sources of soft xrays.The new x ray microscopes considerably improve on the resolution provided byoptical microscopes. They can also be used to map the distribution of certain chemicalelements. Some can form pictures in extremely short times; others hold

599、 the promise ofspecial capabilities such as three dimensional imaging. Unlike conventional electronmicroscope, x ray microscope enables specimens to be kept in air and in water, whichmeans that biological samples can be studied under conditions similar to their naturalstate. The illumination used, s

600、o called soft x rays in the wavelength range of twenty toforty angstroms (an angstrom is one ten billionth of a meter), is also sufficientlypenetrating to image intact biological cells in ma ny cases. Because of the wavelengthof the x rays used, soft x ray microscopes will never match the highest re

601、solutionpossible with electron microscopes. Rather, their special properties will make possibleinvestigations that will complement those performed with light and electron basedinstruments.显 微 技 术 显 微 镜 技 术 的 每 一 个 进 步 都 给 科 学 彖 提 供 了 看 待 生 物 体 的 功 能 和 其 性 质的新 观 察 方 式 。1 6世 纪 晚 期 可 视 光 显 微 镜 的 发 明 引

602、入 了 一 个 以 前 一 无 所 知 的 单细 胞 植 物 和 动 物 的 领 域 。2 0世 纪 电 子 显 微 镜 提 供 了 对 病 等 和 极 微 物 体 的 表 面 结构的直接观察。 现 在 一 种 新 的 显 微 钱 ,利 用X光而不是自然可见光或电子,为观察微小细节提供了不同的观察方式, 它将犷展人类对自然世界进行的更深入的认识。 研 制X光 显 微 镜 的 梦 想 可 追 溯 到1875年 ; 但 它 的 发 展 却 在2 0世纪4 0年代实际上停止了,因为电子显微镜的发展进行很快。 在4 0年代,包子显微镜毫无例外地比可见光显微镜获得了更好的分辨能力。 然 而X光显微镜的表

603、现却没有改进。 但近年来, 对它的兴趣又复活了, 这 很 大 程 度 是 因 为 例 如X射线 在 新 光 源 上 的 发 展 的 结 果 。 结果,今天可得到的亮度是大半个世纪以来唯一可 得 到 的X光源-X光 管 的 几 百 万 僖 。 新 的X光显微镜相当大地提高了电子学显微镜提供的分辨能力。 它们也可用来给某些化学元素绘制分布图。 某 些X光显微镜可以在极短的时间里成像。 另一些可望具备三维成像的特殊功能。 与传统的电子显微镜成像术不同,X光显微饯成 像 术 可 使分析样本 保 络 在 空 气 或 水 中 。 这就意味着生物样品可以在与它们自然环境相近的条件下次 观察研究。 其使用的照

604、明度,即 所 谓 的 软 性X射 线 ,其 波 长 在2 0到4 0埃之间( 1米 的100亿 分 之 一 为1埃) 。 在许多情况下也能够穿透完整无缺的生物细胞并成像。由 于 使 用 的X射 线 的 波 长 使 软 性X射线显微镜永远比不上电子显微镜可能具有的最高分辨力。 不过他们 特殊的功能将可能补充砰些用自然光和电子仪器所进行的观察。 74 The History of ChemistryChemistry did not emerge as a science until after the scientific revolution in theseventeenth century

605、 and then only rather slowly and laboriously. But chemicalknowdedge is as old as history, being almost entirely concerned with the practical artsof living. Cooking is essentially a chemical process; so is the melting of metals and theadministration of drugs and poisons. This basic chemical knowledge

606、, which wasapplied in most cases as a rule of thumb, was nevertheless dependent on previousexperiment. It also served to stimulate a fundamental curiosity about the processesthemselves. New information was always being gained as artisans improved techniquesto gain better results. The development of

607、a scientific approach to chemistry was,however, hampered by several factors. The most serious problem was the vast range ofmaterial available and the consequent difficulty of organizing it into some system. Inaddition, there were social and intellectual difficulites, chemistry is nothing if notpract

608、ical; those who practice it must use their hands, they must have a certain practicalflair. Yet in many ancient civilizations, practical tasks were primarily the province of aslave population. The thinker or philosopher stood apart from this mundane world,where the practical arts appeared to lack any

609、 intellectual content or interest. The finalproblem for early chemical science was the element of secrecy. Experts in specifictrades had developed their own techniques and guarded their knowledge to preventothers from stealing their livelihood. Another factor that contributed to secrecy was theesote

610、ric nature of the knowledge of a alchemists, who were trying to transform basemetals into gold or were concerned with the hunt for the elixir that would bestow theblessing of eternal life. In one sense, the second of these was the more seriousimpediment because the records of the chemical processes

611、that early alchemists haddiscovered were often written down in symbolic language intelligible to very few or insymbols that were purposely obscure.化 学 的 历 史 化 学 在1 7世纪的科技革命后才成为一门科 学 ,其发展是缓慢而艰难的。 但化学知识却象人类历史一样古老,与 人 们 实 际 生 活 密 切 相 关 。 做饭基本上是一个化学过程。 同样,金属爆炼、使用药品或卷剂也是如此。 人们在大多数情况下只是粗糙地运用这些基本化学知识 ,但这些基

612、本知识的确是来自于前人的实验。 它们同时也激发了人们对化学本身的兴趣。 匠人们利用新技术来改前工艺,就 增 加 了 对 化 学 的 了 解 。 但 是 ,化学科学方法的发展却有许多阻碍的因素。 其中最产重的问题就是 要把咕如烟海的物质归纳为若干系统确实很困唯。此外, 还有社会和知识的原因。 富 开 实 际用途,化学就亳无价值;研究化学的人必须亲自动手,这就要求他们要有很强的动手能力。 但在许多古代文明中,动手的话都是奴隶的行当。思想家与哲学彖与此劳碌决不沾边, 因 为在他们看来,实际操作技能低智而乏味。 最 后 ,还有一个原因妨碍早期化学的发展,那 就是保密。 某个行彖一旦发现了新技术,就竭力

613、保密以防谀人偷了饭碗。 另一个原因加剧 了知识封领这是因为炼金术士的知识的神秘性。这些术士们要么想他便宜的金属变成黄金, 要么期望我到一种长生不老药。从某种意义上说,这第二个因素带来了更严重的阻碍,因为早期术士们的研究成果记莪于绊为人知的或故意让人不懂的符号中。75 Hydrogen and IndustriesHydrogen, the lightest and simplest of the elements, has several properties that make itvaluable for many industries. It releases more heat per

614、 unit of weight than any otherfuel. In rocket engines, tons of hydrogen and oxygen are burned, and hydrogen is usedwith oxygen for welding torches that produce temperatures as high as 4, 000 degrees Fand can be used in cutting steel. Fuel cells to generate electricity operate on hydrogenand oxygen.H

615、ydrogen also serves to prevent metals from tarnishing during heat treatments byremoving the oxygen from them. Although it would be difficult to remove the oxygenby itself, hydrogen readily combines with oxygen to form water, which can be heatedto steam and easily removed. Hydrogen is also useful in

616、the food industry for a processknow as hydrogenation. Products such as margarine and cooking oils are changed fromliquids to semisolids by adding hydrogento their molecules. Soap manufacturers alsouse hydrogen for this purpose.Hydrogen is also one of the coolest refrigerants. It does not become a li

617、quid until itreaches temperatures of -425 degrees F. Pure hydrogen gas is used in large electricgenerators to cool the coils. In addition, in the chemical industry, hydrogen is used toproduce ammonia, gasoline, methyl alcohol, and many other important products.氢与工业氢作为最轻和最简单的无素,有几种特性对工业非常有用。 作为燃料,它每

618、单位重量释放热量最多,在火箭的引擎中,成吨的氢和氧波燃烧掉。氢和氧合在一起用于 焊接,能够产生嵩达华氐四千度的嵩温而可以切割钢铁。发电的燃料房就是使用氢和氧。 氢也可以用来在金属热处理中通过从中除去氧的方决来防锈。虽然单独除去氧本身是图难的, 氢和氧很叁易结合成水,而水是可以加热蒸发除去的。 氤在食品工业中对于所谓的氢化过 程也很有用。 人受黄油和食用油的分子中加上氢,就由液志变成半固杰。 腮皂制造商也为 此使用氤。 氢是温度最低的冷冻剂。它要到华氏-425度才会液化。 纯氢次用于大型发包 机线圈的冷却。 除此之外,在化学工业中,氢波用来制造氨、沌油、甲醇以及其它许多重 要 产 品 。76 M

619、ARSMars According to the best evidence gathered by space probes and astronomers, Marsis an inhospitable planet, more similar to Earths Moon than to Earth itself - a dry, stark,seemingly lifeless world. Mars air pressure is equal to Earths at an altitude of 100,000feet. The air there is95% carbon dio

620、xide. Mars has no ozone layer to screen out the Suns lethal radiation.Daytime temperatures may reach above freezing, but because the planet is blanketedby the mere wisp of an atmosphere, the heat radiates back into space. Even at theequator, the temperature drops to 50 ( 60 ) at night. Today there i

621、s no liquid water, although valleys and channels on thesurface show evidence of having been carved by running water. The polar ice caps aremade of frozen water and carbon dioxide, and water may be frozen in the ground aspermafrost. Despite these difficult conditions, certain scientists believe that

622、there is apossibility of transforming Mars into amore Earth like planet. Nuclear reactors might be used to melt frozen gases andeventually build up the atmosphere. This in turn could create a greenhouse effect thatwould stop heat from radiating back into space. Liquid water could be thawed to forma

623、polar ocean. Once enough ice has melted, suitable plants could be introduced to buildup the level of oxygen in the atmosphere so that, in time, the planet would supportanimal life from Earth and even permanent human colonies. This was once thought tobe so far in the future as to be irrelevant, said

624、Christopher McKay, a research scientistat the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. But now its starting to lookpractical. We could begin work in four or five decades. The idea of terra formingMars, as enthusiasts call it, has its roots in science fiction. But as researchers develop amore p

625、rofound understanding of how Earths ecology supports life, they have begun tosee how it may be possible to create similar conditions on Mars. Dont plan onhomesteading on Mars any time soon, though. The process could take hundreds oreven thousands of years to complete, and the cost would be staggerin

626、g.火 星 据 字 由 探 测 器 和 天 丈 学 彖 收 集 的 有 力 证 据 , 火 星 是 一 个 人 类 不 能 居 住 的 星 球 。它 不 像 地 球 , 而 更 像 月 球 - - 一 个 干 涸 、 荒 芜 , 看 上 去 没 有 任 何 生 命 的 世 界 。火星的气压相当 于 地 球 上 十 万 英 尺 嵩 空 处 的 气 压 。 火 星 大 专 的 构 成 中 有95%是二氧 化 碳 ,而 且 ,火 星 上 没 有 能 屏 菽 太 阳 致 命 射 线 的 臭 氧 层 。由 天 , 那 里 的 温 度可 以 达 到 零 上 ,但 因 为 包 裹 火 星 的 大 气 层 极

627、 为 稀 薄 ,热 量 又 会 辐 射 回 宇 击 中 。就算 是 在 火 星 赤 道 ,夜 里 的 温 度 也 在50o尽 管 火 星 上 的 山 谷 沟 渠 说 明 它 曾 经 破流 水 蚀 刻 过 ,但 如 今 那 里 已 没 有 液 出 水 了 。 极 地 冰 帽 是 由 固 杰 人 和 二 氧 化 碳 组成 的 , 水 也 有 可 能 存 在 于 永 久 冻 土 之 中 。尽 管 图 唯 重 重 , 某 些 科 学 家 依 然 认 为有 可 能 把 火 星 改 造 成 类 似 地 球 的 星 球 。 核 反 应 可 以 用 来 融 化 冰 冻 的 气 体 最 终 形成 火 星 大 气

628、 层 。由 此 就 可 以 产 生 温 室 效 应 ,阻 止 热 量 散 射 回 宇 宙 中 。 液 化 的 水 可以 融 化 成 极 地 诲 婵 。 足 够 量 的 冰 融 化 后 ,可 将 地 球 上 的 植 物 移 植 上 去 。 植 物 又可 以 向 大 气 层 提 供 氧 气。 久 而 久 之 火 星 就 可 以 维 持 从 地 球 过 去 的 动 物 生 命 甚 至成 为 人 类 的 永 久 居 留 地 。 这 一 切 在 过 去 看 起 来 遥 远 得 近 乎 无 稽 , 国彖航天局的 一 位 研 究 人 员 ,克 里 期 托 弗 麦 克 凯 说 , 但 是 现 在 已 经 开

629、始 展 现 出 可 能 性 。 四五 十 年 后 , 我 们 就 可 以 着 手 于 这 项 工 作 。 ” 这 种 支 持 者 们 称 为 移 居 火 星 ” 的想法最 早 出 现 在 科 幻 小 说 中 。但 随 着 研 究 者 对 地 球 上 生 态 如 何 支 持 生 命 的 理 解 越 来越 深 入 ,在 火 星 上 创 堂 类 仞 地 球 环 境 也 显 得 越 来 越 现 实 。 但 千 万 别 计 划 很 快 在火 星 上 建 堂 彖 园 。这 个 历 程 需 要 几 百 乃 至 上 千 年 , 而 且 耗 去 将 是 惊 人 的 。77 Food and HealthThe

630、food we eat seems to have profound effects on our health. Although science hasmade enormous steps in making food more fit to eat, it has, at the same time, mademany foods unfit to eat. Some research has shown that perhaps eighty percent of allhuman illnesses are related to diet and forty percent of

631、cancer is related to the diet aswell, especially cancer of the colon. Different cultures are more prone to contractcertain illnesses because of the food that is characteristic in these cultures. That food isrelated to illness is not a new discovery. In 1945, government researchers realized thatnitra

632、tes and nitrites, commonly used to preserve color in meats, and other foodadditives, caused cancer. Yet, these carcinogenic additives remain in our food, and itbecomes more difficult all the time to know which things in the packaging labels ofprocessed food are helpful or harmful. The additives whic

633、h we eat are not all so direct.Farmers often give penicillin to beef and poultry, and because of this, penicillin hasbeen found in themilk of treated cows. Sometimes similar drugs are administered to animals not formedicinal purposes, but for financial reasons. The farmers are simply trying to fatte

634、nthe animals in order to obtain a higher price on the market. Although the Food andDrug Administration (FDA) has tried repeatedly to control these procedures, thepractices continue.食品与健康我们所吃的食物似孑对我们的健康有深远的影响。尽管科学上已取得许多 进展, 使食物更适合我们食用, 但与此同时它也使许多食物不宜食用了。 -些 研 究 已 经 表 明 ,人 类 大 概 有80%的疾病与饮食有关,40%的疙症,特别

635、是结肠 痉 ,也与饮食有关。 不 同的文化会使人们更易患某些疾病,这是由这些文化的人们喜好的食物所致。 食物与痪病 有关并不是新发现。1945年,政府部门的科研工作者了解到,夜广泛用于肉类以保持肉类 色泽的靖酸盐、亚硝酸盐和其他的添加剂可诱发疙症。 可是这些致疙物质依然存在于我们的食物之中。 与此同时,要想知道加工食品标签上的哪些成分对健康有利,哪些成分对健 康不利,变得更加国难了。 我们吃到的这些添加物并非都是如此直接的。 农民常给牛和家 禽 注 射 青 霉 素 , 因而在受过注射的牛所产牛奶里发现青霉素。 有时让彖禽服用这类药物并 非是为了治病, 而是为了经济上的缘故。 农民们只是想使彖畜

636、长得 更 肥 壮 可 以 上 市 场 上 卖 到 好 价 钱 。虽然食物和药品管理局已一再设法控制这种情况的发生,但 是 这 种 行 为 仍 在 继 续 。78 Police and CommunitiesFew institutions are more important to an urban community than its police, yet thereare few subjects historians know so little about. Most of the early academic interestsdeveloped among political s

637、cientists and sociologists, who usually examined their owncontemporary problems with only a nod toward the past. Even the public seemedconcerned only during crime waves, periods of blatant corruption, or after aparticularly grisly episode. Party regulars and reformers generally viewed theinstitution

638、 from a political perspective; newspapers and magazines - the nineteenthcenturys media - emphasized the vivid and spectacular.Yet urban society has always vested a wide, indeed awesome, responsibility in itspolice. Not only were they to maintain order, prevent crime, and protect life andproperty, bu

639、t historically they were also to fight fires, suppress vice, assist in healthservices, supervise elections, direct traffic, inspect buildings, and locate truants andrunaways. In addition, it was assumed that the police were the special guardians of thecitizens liberties and the communitys tranquilli

640、ty. Of course, the performance nevermatched expectations. The record contains some success, but mostly failure; someeffective leadership, but largely official incompetence and betrayal. The notion of aprofessional police force in America is a creation of the twentieth century; not until ourown time

641、have cities begun to take the steps necessary to produce modern departments.警察与社区对城市社区来说,很少有比它的警察更为重要的机构了,但少有课题像为史 学彖们对此了斛得那样少。 早期的学术兴捶是在政治科学彖和社会学家中发展起来的, 他 们一般只研究他们自己当代的问题而对过去的问题只是偶东带过。 甚至公次仞乎也仅仅在 犯罪浪潮、明目张胆的贪污或特别的恐帏事件发生时才关心。 政党的忠诚支持者和改革彖们通常是从政治的看途来看待警察这个机 构 ; 而报纸和杂志-1 9世 纪 的 传 播 媒介- 则着重活泼生动和惊人的事件 。

642、可是城市社会总是把广泛得可怕的责任交给警察。他们不仅维持秩序、 防止犯罪、保护生命财产,而且在过去还要救火、镇压罪恶、协助医疗服务、监督选举、指 挥交通、检查建筑物、寻找逃学学生和搜捕逃犯。 除此以外,警察还波认为是公民自由和社会稳定的特别保护者。自然,警察的表现并不尽如人意。 他们的记录中有成功者, 但多 数是失败的; 有高效率的领导, 但多半的人在期务上无能和不讲信用。专业警察部队的概 念 在 美 国 还 是2 0世纪的产物;直到我们这个时代,一些城市才开始采取设立现代化部门的必 要步骤。79 Population GrowthThe growth of population during

643、 the past few centuries is no proof that population willcontinue to grow straight upward toward infinity and doom. On the contrary,demographic history offers evidence that population growth has not been at all constant.According to paleoecologist Edward Deevey, the past million years show threemomen

644、tous changes. The first, a rapid increase in population around one m illion B. C.,followed the innovations of tool making and tool using. But when the new power fromthe use of tools has been exploited, the rate of world population growth fell andbecame almost stable. The next rapid jump in populatio

645、n started perhaps 10,000 yearsago, when mankind began to keep herds, plow and plant the earth. Once again wheninitial productivity gains had been absorbed, the rate of population growth abated.These two episodes suggest that the third great change, the present rapid growth, whichbegan in the West be

646、tween 250 and 350 years ago, may also slow down when, or if,technology begins to yield fewer innovations. Of course, the current knowledgerevolution may continue without foreseeable end. Either way - contrary to popularbelief in constant geometric growth - population can be expected in the long run

647、toadjust to productivity. And when one takes this view, population growth is seen torepresent economic progress and human triumph rather than social failure.人 口 增 长 以 往 几 个 世 纪 人 口 的 增 长 并 不 能 证 明 人 口 会 无 限 地 直 线 向 上 增 长 直 到 毁天 的 地 步 。 相 反 地 ,人 口 统 计 史 料 证 明 人 口 的 增 长 完 全 不 是 稳 定 的 。 古生杰学彖爱德华 狄维 认 为

648、 ,在 过 去100万 年 间 出 现 过3次 重 大 的 变 动 。 第 一 次 在 公元 南100万 年 左 右 , 随 着 在 工 具 的 制 作 和 使 用 上 的 革 新 而 出 现 人 口 奥 速 增 长 。但 当 工 具 的 使 用 所 产 生 的 新 动 力 谀 充 分 利 用 以 后 , 世 界 人 口 增 长 率 下 降 并 只 趋 于稳 麦 。第 二 次 入 。剧 增 大 约 始 于 人 类 开 始 蓄 畜 、垦 耕 的10, 0 0 0年 葡 一 旦最 初 的 生 产 力 增 长 破 吸 收 殆 尽 ,人 口 的 增 长 再 次 衰 落 。 以上两 段 说 明 , 若技

649、术革 新 的 成 果 开 始 减 少 , 从2 5 0到3 5 0年 南 就 在 西 方 开 始 出 现 的 并JL百 前 还 在 继续 的 人 口 迅 速 增 长 可 能 也 会 放 慢 。 当 然 ,当匍的知识革命也许会持续下去而无法预 见 其 未 来 。无 论 如 何 , 与 那 种 认 为 人 。以 几 何 级 数 持 续 增 长 的 观 点 版 反 ,从长 远 的 观 点 来 说 , 人 口 可 望 受 到 生 产 力 的 调 节 。 接 受 了 这 一 观 点 ,人 口 的 增 长就 可 以 被 看 成 是 经 济 进 步 和 人 类 胜 利 的 标 志 , 而 不 是 社 会 衰

650、 败 的 标 志 。80 Evolution and WheelsIn the past, evolutionary biologists contemplating the absence of wheels in natureagreed that the explanation was not undesirability: wheels would be good for animals,just as they are for us. Animals were prevented from evolving wheels, the biologistsreasoned, by the

651、 following dilemma: living cells in an animals body are connected tothe heart by blood vessels, and to the brain by nerves. Because a rotating joint isessential to a wheel, a wheel made of living cells would twistits artery vein and nerve connections at the first revolution, making livingimpracticab

652、le. However, there is a flaw in the argument that the evolution of wheeledanimals was thwartedby the insoluble joint problem. The theory fails to explain why animals have notevolved wheels of dead tissue with no need for arteries and nerves. Countless animals,including us, bear external structures w

653、ithout blood supply or nerves - for example, ourhair and fingernails, or the scales, claws, and ho rns of other animals. Why have ratsnot evolved bony wheels, similar to roller skates?Paws might be more useful thanwheels in some situations, but cats claws are retractable: why not retractablewheels?W

654、e thus arrive at the serious biological paradox flippantly termed the RRRdilemma: natures failure to produce rats with retractable roller skates.进化与轮子从南,研究自然界没有轮子的进化论生物学彖都同意不能用无此需要来解释 这种现象:轮子对于动物会像对于我们人类一样有好处。 生物学彖们推论 ,动 物 没 有 进 化 出 轮 子 是 由 下 述 国 难 所 致 :动物身上的活细胞通过血管与心脏相连,通过神经与大脑相连。 因为一个旋转的接头对轮子来说是至关

655、重要的,由活的细胞构成的轮子在第一次转动时便会扭伤其上的动脉和神经的连结, 因而不现实。不 过 ,动物未能进化出轮子是受阻于无旅解决接头问题的说法有一个缺陷。 这种理 论 无 法 解 释 为 何 动 物 没 有 进 化 出 由无组织构成的而无需动脉和神经的轮子 。包括人在内的无数动物都有一些没有血液供应和神经的体外构受,例 如 ,我们的头发和指甲,或者鳞片、爪 子 和 其 它 一 些 动 物 的 角 。 为什么老鼠没有进化出类仞 于 滑 轮 溜冰鞋的膏质的抡孑呢? 在某些情况下,爪子可能比轮子更有用,但猫的爪子是可以伸缩的: 为什么不能有可以伸缩的抡 子呢? 这样,我们便得出了一个 谀 戏 称 为R R R的严肃的生物学悖论: 大自然未能产生出有可 伸缩的滑轮溜冰鞋的老鼠。

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