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1、 二级口译练习：金融危机后的资本主义实践已说明，资本主义存在固有缺陷，这一点缺乏为奇。那是人类的天性。更重要的是，历史尤其是二战之后的世界历史已无可辩驳地证明，其他全部经济组织制度都要糟糕得多。因此，资本主义既应当连续存在下去，也将会连续存在下去，正如上世纪30年月那场甚至比目前更为严峻的经济灾难之后的状况。But there is another lesson of the 1930s. It is that although capitalism survives it is capable of retreating behind a protectionist shell, at gr
2、eat cost to global prosperity. This is a real danger today. The “Buy American” provisions in President Barack Obama”s fiscal boost are an ominous sign. The impulse to resort to protection when economic hardship suddenly strikes is, of course, always present. But there is today a dangerous new factor
3、 which magnifies the threat. The leaders of some of America”s largest corporations have already joined up with organised labour (the AFL-CIO) to urge Congress to impose tariffs against imports from countries (such as China, for example) which are understandably unwilling to bear the heavy costs of a
4、n obligation to curb their carbon dioxide emissions. There is considerable support in Europe, notably within the European Commission and in France, for a similar approach.但上世纪30年月还有一个教训：尽管资本主义幸存了下来，但它会缩进一个爱护主义的壳里，让全球富强付出了沉重代价。目前这是一种真实存在的危急。美国总 统巴拉克奥巴马(Barack Obama)财政刺激方案中的“买美国货”条款就是一个不祥之兆。自然，当经济困厄突然
5、来袭之际，人们总会产生一种求助于爱护主义的冲动。但目前存在一种 危急的新因素，加大了这种威逼。美国一些大企业首领已联合有组织的工人（美国劳工联合会-产业工会联合会，AFL-CIO），敦促国会对来自相关国家（如 中国）的进口商品加征关税，这些国家不愿担当限制本国二氧化碳排放的沉重本钱，这也是可以理解的。类似的做法在欧洲颇受支持，尤其是在欧盟委员会(EC) 内部和法国。It is essential, both in the US and in Europe, that this is resolutely rejected. The first and most important requir
6、ement for the future of capitalism is the preservation of globalisation, and the massive benefits it confers on mankind, in particular in the developing world. There are, inevitably, costs of globalisation; but they are hugely outweighed by the benefits. So resistance to protection, whatever argumen
7、ts may be used in its favour, must be rigorously maintained. Nor is this an exclusively economic argument. It is a moral imperative, as well. Moreover, a trade war with China could well have unpredictable, and potentially highly damaging, political consequences.美国和欧洲必需坚决摈弃这种做法。要保障资本主义的将来，首要条件是维护全球化，
8、及其给人类（尤其是进展中国家）带来的巨大利益。全球化必定有代价，但其 利益远远超过了代价。因此，无论爱护主义的支持者可能摆出哪些有利于自己的论点，我们都必需坚决地抵抗爱护主义。这不只是一种经济上的主见，在道义上也势 在必行。此外，与中国进展贸易战，很可能造成无法猜测、可能极具破坏力的政治后果。But will capitalism need to change in the future? Again, the lesson of history is that the answer is “not really”. The economic cycle is endemic and ines
9、capable, and everyone (with the exception of prime minister Gordon Brown) has always known this. What the current crisis does underline, however, is that a cyclical downturn associated with a collapse of the banking system is by an order of magnitude worse than a normal cyclical downturn.然而，今后资本主义需要
10、转变吗？历史教训再一次说明，答案是“不肯定”。经济周期是固有的和不行避开的，对此全部（除了英国首相戈登布朗）一向都很清晰。不过，当前危机所突出说明的，是伴随银行体系崩溃的周期性衰退，在数量级上要比正常的周期性衰退更为严峻。So there does need to be a change to the banking system. In a nutshell, we need to return, in all major financial centres, to the separation of commercial banking from investment banking th
11、at was enforced in the US under the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act, until it was repealed by President Bill Clinton in the 1990s. This is all the more important since we now live in an age in which the acquisition of wealth appears to count for more than reputation.因此，银行体系确实需要变革。简言之，我们必需在全部主要金融中心重新施行商业银行与投
12、资银行业务分别的做法。依据1933年的格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法 案(Glass-Steagall Act)，美国过去始终实行这种做法，直到上世纪90年月该国总统比尔克林顿(Bill Clinton)废止了这一法案。既然我们如今生活在发财致富好像比名誉更重要的时代，这一点就显得更加重要。Achieving this will not be easy or popular in banking circles, but it can be done. We have time to get it right: this is not firefighting, but fireproofing.要做到这一点并不简单，也不会受到银行界的欢送，不过这是可以做到的。我们有时间来把事情做好：这不是救火工作，而是防火。
