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1、 经济学家读译参考 Translated & Edited by Chen JilongTEXT 41The bane of Italy 祸起意大利（陈继龙 编译）Jun 29th 2006 From The Economist print editionALEXANDER STILLES new book on Silvio Berlusconi, the flamboyant1 former Italian prime minister, is neither a b_ nor a work of investigative journalism. Its real value is th
2、at it represents the first attempt, in English at least, to recount in a readable fashion the story, not of Mr Berlusconi himself, but of Berlusconi-ism. （1）That gives it a wide appeal, for, as its author argues persuasively, Berlusconi-ism is the extrapolation2 to grotesque3 extremes of a phenomeno
3、n that has gradually, and all too imperceptibly, become widespread.亚历山大斯蒂莱的新作写的是个性张扬的意大利前任总理西尔维奥贝鲁斯科尼，但它并非是一本传记，也不是新闻调查作品。其真正的价值在于，它首次尝试以一种可读性较强的风格，记述了“贝鲁斯科尼主义”而不是贝鲁斯科尼的生平。这也是本书独具魅力之所在，因为诚如作者很有说服力地论证的那样，“贝鲁斯科尼主义”是对某种现象怪诞至极时的推论，这种现象日趋普遍而所有人却都浑然不觉。Mr Stille is at his best when he describes how a man w
4、ith a corporation with billions of dollars of d_ succeeded in less than eight months, between 1993 and 1994, in turning himself into his countrys leader. （2）Along the way, he identifies various keys to Mr Berlusconis success.斯蒂莱先生最出彩的描写是，一个拥有一家债台高筑的公司的人，如何在1993年至1994年间的短短8个月内，成功地使自己成为国家领导人。他在书中一一揭示了
5、贝鲁斯科尼的成功要诀。One was the u_ application of modern business methods to Italian politics. Mr Berlusconis campaign organisers set up pay-as-you-go4 phone numbers so voters paid to listen to Mr Berlusconi and the stars of his television empire. Party candidates were required to spend the equivalent of $80
6、0 on a kit, similar to a salesmans kit, with a manual on how to communicate with voters. Advice included: “_” （要是你上公共厕所，但厕所很脏，那就弄干净它，否则随后进来的人会以为是你弄脏的。）其一，史无前例地将现代商业手段运用于意大利政治。贝鲁斯科尼的竞选策划人开通了付费电话，选民可以付费打电话给贝鲁斯科尼及其所属电视集团的明星们。党内各候选人必须花800美元购置一个工具包（类似于销售员的工具包），包里面揣一本选民沟通指南。其中指导建议包括：“要是你上公共厕所，但厕所很脏，那就弄干净它
7、，否则随后进来的人会以为是你弄脏的。”（3）Then there was Mr Berlusconis own exploitation of “anti-politics”, his depiction of himself as an outsidera technique that allowed him to tap into a rich vein5 of support among mainly poor, rural and poorly educated voters who distrusted the institutions. Finally, of course, th
8、ere was television. Mr Stille produces evidence to demonstrate its influence: “A study of female former Christian Democrat voters showed that an astonishing 75% of those who watched four or more hours of TV a day cast their b_ for Berlusconi, while only 40% of those who watched two hours or less did
9、 so.”其次，贝鲁斯科尼独创了“反政治学”，亦即把自己说成是“一个局外人”这一伎俩使他赢得了贫困、乡村以及没怎么受过教育的选民的支持，这些人往往都不信任政府机构。最后，当然还有电视。斯蒂莱先生充分举证了贝鲁斯科尼的影响力：“对前基督教民主党女性选民的调查显示，每天收看4小时以上电视节目的女选民中，竟有75的人投票给贝鲁斯科尼，而收看2小时以下的只有40。”He acknowledges that his subjects rise to power (and, to an even greater extent, his return to power in 2001 after six y
10、ears in opposition) was fostered by some of the specific characteristics of Italian society. Italians were, and are, largely unconcerned by Mr Berlusconis conflicts of interest. Indeed, a survey during the 2001 election found that almost a quarter of voters thought that Mr Berlusconis personal inter
11、ests meant he would “govern the country better”. （4）Nor are Italians overly concerned by the sort of illegality of which their former leader has been repeatedly accused by the judiciary. Above all, though, Mr Stille argues, Italy is a “weak democracy with few institutional checks and balances.”贝鲁斯科尼
12、承认，他之所以能掌权（并且从更大程度上说他能在下野6年后于2001年再次掌权），完全拜某些意大利社会特色所赐。过去和现在的意大利人大都对贝鲁斯科尼的利益纷争无动于衷，事实上2001年选举期间开展的一项调查也发现，几乎1/4的选民认为贝鲁斯科尼的个人利益就是指他会“把国家管好”。意大利人对司法部一再指控他们的前任领导人所谓的违法行为也漠不关心。不过，斯蒂莱先生认为，主要还是因为意大利是一个“机构上几乎缺乏相互制衡的脆弱的民主国度”。Mr Stilles book is ill-timed: Mr Berlusconi has just been voted out of office and,
13、at 69, his chances of returning are s_. But the Berlusconi formula, which Mr Stille sums up as “money + media + celebrity = political power”, is by no means applicable only to Italy. Some or all of the same basic elements are there in other politicians, particularly in America: in Arnold Schwarzeneg
14、ger, Michael Bloomberg and Jesse Ventura, a former professional wrestler who became governor of Minnesota. （5）“Silvio Berlusconi”, writes Mr Stille, “may appear at times a caricature, but in fact he is a reflection of ourselves in a fun-house mirror, our features distorted and exaggerated but distin
15、ctly recognisable.”斯蒂莱先生的这本著作没赶上好时候贝鲁斯科尼刚刚落选离任，69岁的他要想东山再起机会渺茫。不过，斯蒂莱先生归纳的“贝鲁斯科尼公式”，即“金钱媒体名流政权”，绝不仅仅适用于意大利。其中一些或者所有的基本组成要素同样存在于其他政客，尤其是在美国阿诺施瓦辛格、迈克尔彭博以及耶西文图拉（前职业拳手，后成为明尼苏达州州长）。斯蒂莱先生写道：“西尔维奥贝鲁斯科尼可能时常成为人们讽刺的对象，但实际上他好比一面哈哈镜，从他身上，我们看到了我们自己，看到我们扭曲、夸张而又清晰可辨的一面。”QUIZ1. 根据首字母以及括号内的词性提示和英文释义填入单词（注意复数、时态形式变化等）：b_（n. a book that tells what has happened in someones life, written by someone else）d_（n. a sum of money that a person or organization owes）u_（adj. never having happened before, or never having happened so much）b_（n. a piece of paper on which you make a secret vote）s_
