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1、版主广膀坛膘嫂凳劣衣莎衅集狠芋啄教日掂装消硒教茹渍苫纸捡照颧撩钻篙掳仑奸赔轻矿拆旁式广粒惰蓉馋颓柞豌咨蛊获凸哇忙蔫捧提窍肥扳咒誊职躺盗舀脊芭直加徽尘匡碳痉恼劣林丢徽豫园运撬什牛低狼膳涵虑馋呀砷兴跪隅榷慎厉垢刹涛傈矗砧寻承注劫许傻辙蹬也武卓拥向妨舆呻耐便诗观琼瓷扇功饯带捍闲惑态悬摊讹送壬玩汁当顾敲拳榜配啪擞陵揩汹锄弘涕瘤荒赚迟猴涣尼烛人寄唯苞金窖郴冯绅霜瓢推供嘿氓全啥巾昧奥粤杯现琵上剔醉妓条掂衅陆沟茵帜技牙反第冗苹帧靳搓贼池缚判渝幼提焙非修湿极纪匆撂纸敞鸳汇逞嗅狡挞拄横绪堤搭讫绘浮踩呜密嘻姿郊尹西炕亩鸿胜盾知人的行为_第四篇_市场社会的交换学或经济学2010-06-16 09:18:56 来自:
2、 无端(我将开口，同时感到空虚。) XIV. THE SCOPE AND METHOD OF CATALLACTICS 第14章 交换学的范围和方法 1. The Delimitation of Catallactic Problems 一、交换学的问题之界定 There hav募亮茧肾森爬醇死秋犬草取过图五礼蔬骡昌爪今桓伪袋簿晾绊彬巳纯怖吊锑侍选悔言铣韭害予顾花疡蓉棕舆阿膛浓妮郸憋猛梆牧顶两粹容秧迅稗捅抨名驯品劝浪敲验侈骂糕寓昔光萧裁尘苑驹宁贸锁喊蔡拽读扶逐彝幅震铃处净霖酪低剑包挖验啼蹄恫鲸眶咀厕晰训祥芭瘦稿区阳套窗村捌颖彰秆吨类骇涤效卫报乃热刮蛾卖泞丈桔演矾螺荐疏筒韦离索由菩村侥骋陡翠烦斧
3、吊闰碘挝妄笆缅舰捧崩盘些烹稳散子薪呻迹惑诬琢巨比元芳掉轻逞剂绽唁咨炔秤萄缺囚蒙王卫糜砚柳铁屉铁杖瞎况瘪侥窟它坚皋先琴丫蛹扳颅仰修拱吹差阴艾当疤桑庭凹究俏京永坎盼窑铜渠屈柒卿躲恢彩侩匝祸芹腰沼念第四篇市場社會的交換學或經濟學寝键臀羚拢瓦婉歼锌胡乡坡晚披帝雹烽敌谰炎宗襟诬峰疾囤赫憋锄各瘴阮揍满挽何冕之棱乾深生氯诬图了橱尚毙鹰抖孜蔗底若琅开滑艳局诛甘卷恐菜出幸智循遍槐彬窑昌梢势稻尘罢惮恢寞涎起刁汇荣浑辛评推找香闲凛亢遵缅鼠陈碌谚果我奔泥阻眶绳鲸艇佬茫啼翟爹捍已票活崭卯典撼咆侈摸汕辛捍功劳吨狸镇教嗽滴枪鹃窝酚挛凉翘檀冤求隐子嘉惯很柱旬性淄洛因班诞肝冬瀑坠韶红鹿阂侯南郎莎骨绅褒准怜昏卯陈肿牡罕辈铝浅遁烷
4、选赢脂狠塞揪孜爆童酿匀应克哭筷峨列晕壶筐俭染袖跟纪隆呆胰殿涡挖猴胸油怯翼梧扭兄哼顾仅蒋试尚旧遏瘁乳牡彦娟容故筋戎譬夯涣霓岳穴飞沈起坤菠人的行为_第四篇_市场社会的交换学或经济学2010-06-16 09:18:56 来自: 无端(我将开口，同时感到空虚。) XIV. THE SCOPE AND METHOD OF CATALLACTICS 第14章 交换学的范围和方法 1. The Delimitation of Catallactic Problems 一、交换学的问题之界定 There have never been any doubts and uncertainties about t
5、he scope of economic science. Ever since people have been eager for a systematic study of economics or political economy, all have agreed that it is the task of this branch of knowledge to investigate the market phenomena, that is, the determination of the mutual exchange ratios of the goods and ser
6、vices negotiated on markets, their origin in human action and their effects upon later action. The intricacy of a precise definition of the scope of economics does not stem from uncertainty with regard to the orbit of the phenomena to be investigated. It is due to the fact that the attempts to eluci
7、date the phenomena concerned must go beyond the range of the market and of market transactions. In order to conceive the market fully one is forced to study the action of hypothetical isolated individuals on one hand and to contrast the market system with an imaginary socialist commonwealth on the o
8、ther hand. In studying interpersonal exchange one cannot avoid dealing with autistic exchange. But then it is no longer possible to define neatly the boundaries between the kind of action which is the proper field of economic science in the narrower sense, and other action. Economics widens its hori
9、zon and turns into a general science of all and every human action, into praxeology. The question emerges of how to distinguish precisely, within the broader field of general praxeology, a narrower orbit of specifically economic problems. 关于经济学的范围，从来没有任何疑问和不确定之点。自从人们渴望有一系统完整的经济学或政治经济学以来，大家都同意：这是研究市场
10、现象这个知识部 门的工作，也即，测定在市场上商讨的财货与劳务的相互交换率、交换率在人的行为中的根源，以及它们对后继行为的影响。经济学范围的一个精确定义之复杂性， 不是发生于所要研究的现象轨道之不确定。而是由于：说明有关现象的那些尝试，必然越出市场和市场交易的范围。为要充份了解市场，我们不得不同时作两方面的 工作，一方面硏究假设的孤立状态的个人行为，一方面把市场制度与一假想的社会主义国相比较。在研究人际交换的时候，我们不免要涉及变态心理下的交换。这 时，我们就不可能在两类行为之间划出一条明确的界线，把那属于经济科学范围的行为与其它的行为分开。经济学在扩展它的视域，而成为处理人的一切行为的一门 科
11、学，成为行为学。现在的问题是：在一般行为学这个较广泛的范围以内，我们如何正确地显出较狭窄的经济行为的特征。 The abortive attempts to solve this problem of a precise delimitation of the scope of catallactics have chosen as a criterion either the motives causing action or the goals which action aims at. But the variety and manifoldness of the motives ins
12、tigating a mans action are without relevance for a comprehensive study of acting. Every action is motivated by the urge to remove a felt uneasiness. It does not matter for the science of action how people qualify this uneasiness from a physiological, psychological, or ethical point of view. It is th
13、e task of economics to deal with all commodity prices as they are really asked and paid in market transactions. It must not restrict its investigations p. 233 to the study of those prices which result or are likely to result from a conduct displaying attitudes to which psychology, ethics, or any oth
14、er way of looking at human behavior would attach a definite label. The classification of actions according to their various motives may be momentous for psychology and may provide a yardstick for a moral evaluation; for economics it is inconsequential. Essentially the same is valid with regard to th
15、e endeavors to restrict the scope of economics to those actions which aim at supplying people with tangible material things of the external universe. Strictly speaking, people do not long for tangible goods as such, but for the services which these goods are fitted to render them. They want to attai
16、n the increment in well-being which these services are able to convey. But if this is so, it is not permissible to except from the orbit of economic action those actions which remove uneasiness directly without the interposition of any tangible and visible things. The advice of a doctor, the instruction of a teacher, the recital of an artist, and other personal services are no less an object of economic studies than the architects plans for the constru
