美国大城市的死与生

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1、美国大城市的死与生试读:- 人行道的用途:安全编辑介绍: Jane Jacobs started writing about city life and urban planning as a neighborhood activist, not as a trained professional. 简雅各布斯开始写关于城市生活和城市规划作为一个社区活动家,而不是作为一个训练有素的专业人员。Dismissed as the original little old lady in tennis shoes and derided as a political amateur more conce

2、rned about personal safety issues than state-of-the-art planning techniques, she nonetheless struck a responsive chord with a 1960s public eager to believe the worst about arrogant city planning technocrats and just as eager to rally behind movements for neighborhood control and community resistance

3、 to bulldozer redevelopment.更关心个人安全问题而不是很艺术的规划技术,她被轻蔑的视为以前的“穿网球鞋的小老太太”和业余政治爱好者,但她与 20 世纪 60 年代的公共共鸣急于相信最坏的人身安全问题,而不是作为一个政治业余关于的傲慢城市规划技术官僚一样渴望团结邻里控制与社区推土机重建的阻力运动背后。The Death and Life of Great American Cities hit the world of city planning like an earthquake when it Appeared in 1961. The book was a fr

4、ontal attack on the planning establishment. Jacobs derided urban renewal as a process that only served to create instant slums. She questioned universally accepted articles of faith - for example, that parks were good and that crowding was bad, Indeed she suggested that parks were often dangerous an

5、d that crowded neighborhood sidewalks were the safest places for children to play.1961 年,美国大城市的死与生的冲击世界城市规划像地震一样。这本书是一个正面攻击的规划编制。雅各布痛骂市区重建的过程只创建即时贫民窟。她质疑普遍接受的信条 - 例如,公园是好,拥挤是坏,事实上,她建议,公园往往是危险的,拥挤的街道人行道供孩子们玩耍的地方是最安全的。Jacobs ridiculed the planning establishments most revered historical traditions as “

6、the Radiant Garden City Beautiful - an artful phrase that not only airily dismissed the contributions of Le Corbusier (p. 336), Ebenezer Howard (p. 321), and Daniel Burnham but lumped them together as well!雅各布嘲笑规划编制的最受尊敬的历史传统“辐射美丽的花园城市” 一个巧妙的短语,不仅轻描淡写地驳回了柯布西耶(第 336 页) ,埃比尼泽霍华德(第 321 页) ,丹尼尔伯纳姆的贡献,而且

7、把他们揉到了一起!The selection from The Death and Life of Great American Cities reprinted here presents Jane Jacobs at her very best. In The Uses of Sidewalks: Safety, she outlines her basic notions of what makes a neighborhood a community and what makes a city livable.美国大城市的死与生再版里的摘选最好的表现了简雅各布斯。在“用途的人行道:安全

8、, ”她概述了什么是社区和什么是宜居城市的基本概念。Safety - particularly for women and children comes from eyes on the street,” the kind of involved neighborhood surveillance of public space that comes from eyes on the street,“ the kind of involved neighborhood surveillance of public space that modern planning practice in t

9、he Corbusian tradition had destroyed with its insistence on superblocks and skyscraper developments, A sense of personal belonging and social cohesiveness comes from well-defined neighborhoods and narrow, crowded, multi-use streets.安全 - 特别是妇女和儿童来自在大街上的“眼睛” ,这种涉及邻里监督的公共空间也来自在大街上的“眼睛” ,还有涉及邻里监督的以科布森传统

10、的现代城市规划实践的公共空间摧毁了其坚持的超级块和摩天大楼的发展,个人的归属感和社会凝聚力感来自定义良好的邻里和狭窄,拥挤,多用的街道。And, finally, basic urban vitality comes from residents participation in an intricate street ballet, a diurnal pattern of observable and comprehensible human activity that is possible only in places like Jacobss own Hudson street in

11、 her beloved Greenwich Village.最后,基本的城市活力来自居民参与一个复杂的“街头芭蕾” ,这是昼夜观察和理解人类活动的模式,它只可能在 Jacobs 的自己的哈德逊街的地方,比如在她心爱的格林威治村居民参与城市活力。It was this last quality, her unabashed love of cities and urban life, that is Jane Jacobss most obvious and enduring characteristic, The Death and Life of Great America Cities

12、was a scathing attack on the planning establishment - and, in many ways, it was a grassroots political call to arms - but it was also a loving invitation to experience the joys of city living that led many young, college-educated people to seek out neighborhoods like Greenwich Village as places to l

13、ive, struggle, and raise families.它是这最后的质量,她不加掩饰的对城市和城镇生活的喜爱,就是简雅各布斯的最明显,最持久的特性,美国大城市的生与死是对规划制度的严厉冲击,而且,在许多方面,它是一个基层政治檄文 - 但它也是一个充满爱的邀请,体验城市生活,导致许多年轻的,受过大学教育的人,寻求像格林威治村(Greenwich Village)街区的地方生活,奋斗,并提高家庭的乐趣。In one sense, the book encouraged and justified middle-class gentrification formerly working

14、class neighborhoods. ln another, it found itself oddly reflected in the fantasy-nostalgia of Sesame Street.” But in all ways it was committedly urban, never suburban, at a time when inner-city communities were being increasingly abandoned to the forces of poverty, decay, and neglect.从某种意义上说,这本书鼓励和合理

15、的中产阶级的高档化前身是工人阶级的街区。另一方面,它发现自己在幻想怀旧“芝麻街奇怪的反映。 ”但是,在所有的方法中,它是证明其城市,从未郊区的,在这个时候,内城社区被越来越多地抛弃贫穷,腐朽的势力,和忽视。Contrast Louis Wirths theory of how population size density, and heterogeneity in cities create a distinct urban personality (p- 97) with Jacobss argument that these very same city characteristics

16、may create neighborhood vitality, social cohesion and the perception and reality of safety.对比度路易维尔特的理论,人口规模如何密度和异质性,在城市中创建了一个独特的城市个性(P-97) ,而雅各布认为这些非常相同的城市特征可能创造邻里活力,社会凝聚力和感知和现实的安全。Jacobss notion of the street ballet” invites comparison with Lewis Mumfords idea of the urban drama (p. 92) and William Whytes emphasis on the importance of public plazas (p. 483), Jacobss community activism in resistance to urban renewal places her within a long tradition

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